The U.S. and Somaliland: A Strategic Guide to Partnership

By J. Peter Pham, Ph.D.

28 Feb 08

A great deal has transpired in the little over two months since I last raised the question of Somaliland in this column, repeating a call I made two years earlier: "Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre's oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as 'Somalia.' Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people's quest for freedom and security mirrors America's values as well as her strategic interests."

In January, the president of the Republic of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, accompanied by his foreign minister, Abdillahi Mohamed Duale, and several other members of his cabinet were invited to Washington for a visit that was officially acknowledged by the U.S. Department of State. According to the statement from the department's spokesman, Ambassador Sean McCormack:

A high-level delegation from Somaliland, led by President Dahir Kahin Rayale, departed Washington January 19 after an eight-day visit. While here, the delegation met with senior officials of the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, Department of Defense, and National Security Council staff, among others. This cordial and constructive visit demonstrated U.S. engagement with Somaliland in furtherance of our common interests in the areas of regional peace and security, economic development, and democratic reform.

Barely two weeks later, on February 3, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer, arrived in Somaliland's capital, Hargeysa, with Ambassador John M. Yates, a veteran diplomat based in Nairobi, Kenya, who is America's special envoy for Somalia (the U.S. envoy to Ethiopia, Ambassador Don Yamamoto, preceded the pair by one day). Dr. Frazer, the highest-ranking U.S. official to set foot in the republic since it reasserted its independence in 1991, spent the day holding formal talks with top government officials as well as meeting privately with representatives of Somaliland's three registered political parties – the Union of Democrats (UDUB), the Peace, Unity, and Development Party (KULMIYE), and the Party of Justice (UCID) – and the unregistered "Qaran" political movement. Speaking to the press, Dr. Frazer explained the motivation of her visit:

Our visit to Somaliland is in connection and follow-up to President Dahir Rayale Kahin's recent, visit, to Washington and on top of that to continue to work with the Somaliland authorities in the issues concerning peace, stability and security of the region. Our visit is also an acknowledgement of the democratic progress made by Somaliland ... the U.S. assisted Somaliland in past elections and will continue to do so in the coming elections. We are here, today, to show our support for this and to mark the friendship and cooperation existing between the two countries.

A few days after Dr. Frazer's visit, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) announced that it would "expand substantially activities designed to improve the lives of citizens of Somaliland," pledging "resources amounting to twice those spent in 2007 will be spent on projects focusing on the rule of law and security, democratic governance and on recovery and sustainable livelihoods, as well as on additional staff to increase the range of the ambitious programme in different regions of Somaliland" in concert "with the Somaliland government and other UN agencies."

Dr. Frazer was careful to emphasize that the recent flurry of activity did not imply diplomatic recognition was imminent, noting that while "we have said on many occasions that the U.S. will continue to work with Somaliland, in particular, in the strong democratic values which Somaliland has succeeded in implementing," the issue of recognition should be left to the African Union (AU), while America would "work with the AU and will respect whatever decision it makes on Somaliland's status." However, as I previously observed, while the AU's own report on the matter, presented by then-Deputy Chairperson Patrick Kayumbu Mazimhaka, acknowledged the uniqueness of the case – "The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland's search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of 'opening a Pandora's Box'. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case" – the AU is simply unable to actually address the matter as long as it continues to seat the utterly ineffectual "Transitional Federal Government" (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as safely police its putative capital. Since Dr. Frazer is, undoubtedly, well aware of this reality, what is one to make of the recent developments?

In large measure, the recent engagement can be viewed as strategically sound at several levels. In the short term, it is increasingly apparent that the TFG's lease on life is perhaps even more tenuous than that of its "president," Abdillahi Yusuf Ahmed, who, until last week, had not been in Somalia for months and was evacuated to London from Nairobi last month for medical treatment. In fact, just to get him back into Mogadishu last week, TFG forces and their Ethiopian protectors sealed all roads from the airport to the presidential Villa Somalia. In response, Islamist and clan insurgents fighting the regime fired mortars at the bunkered-down peacekeepers of the undermanned African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and, for good measure, lobbed half a dozen shells into the presidential compound. Amid heavy fighting last week, TFG forces sealed off the famed Bakara market, compounding the woes of those residents of Mogadishu who have not fled since most of these people either earn their living at the market or depend on it for basic staples. Typical of the constant hit-and-run attacks by the insurgents, last Saturday at least four Ethiopian soldiers were killed when the water truck they were traveling in drove into an ambush in northern Mogadishu while, in the Wadajir district just south of the capital, gunmen shot and wounded a local government official as he stood in front of his house. On Sunday, heavily-armed insurgents from the radical al-Shabaab ("the Youth") wing of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), reportedly led by Sheikh Muhktar Ali Robow, a.k.a., Abu Mansur, the former deputy defense minister of the ICU who fought with the Taliban in Afghanistan, briefly occupied the southern town of Dinsoor before withdrawing. With daily rounds of artillery duels, bombings, ambushes, assassinations, and incursions, no one seriously believes that even the full deployment of AMISOM – an unlikely occurrence in any event – would do much more than prolong the agony of the passing of the TFG, the fourteenth attempt by outsiders to restore central government to what was once Somalia. Hence it makes perfect sense for U.S. officials to reach out to any effective powers in the region.

Over the longer term, given the apparent futility trying to reconstitute a unitary state – a point I made more than a year ago in this column space – the members of the international community, especially the United States and its allies, have every reason to seek to engage Somaliland, not least of which is its geopolitical significance as a Muslim country with authentic democratic aspirations controlling over 900 kilometers of coastline along sea lanes along the Gulf of Aden, just opposite the Arabian Peninsula. Having such an island of relative security and stability is all the more important when, as veteran Somalia scholar Dr. Ken Menkhaus of Davidson College, who served as a senior advisor to the UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) in the 1990s, has noted, "a collapsed state such as Somalia is more likely to serve as niche role as a transit zone, through which men, money, or materiel are quickly moved into the country and then across borders of neighboring states." Moreover, there is the belated recognition in many quarters, of the validity of the warning which South African analyst Kurt Schillinger delivered in a paper for the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies (RUSI): " Somaliland is a fragile entity in a fragile region with large Islamic populations – all demonstrably susceptible to radicalization."

However, just because a consensus is slowly being built around these two realizations does not mean that the United States will extend formal diplomatic recognition to Somaliland any time soon despite the consonance of the admirable efforts by its people to build a secure and democratic state for themselves to the vision which President George W. Bush outlined in his second inaugural address: "It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world ... Our goal ... is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way." Rather, while the commonality of ideals provides a basis for moving forward, Realpolitik dictates that not just ideals, but concrete national interests must be carefully considered if a great power like the United States is going to break new ground and recognize an aspiring state like Somaliland. In other words, as much as I have been a consistent advocate for Somaliland – just last week I gave an address at the University of Baltimore School of Law entitled "The Case for the Republic of Somaliland: At the Frontiers of International Law, African Politics, and Territorial Order" – I cannot foresee recognition from Washington unless the government in Hargeysa convinces skeptics that there is substantial "value added" in the relationship.

To this end, the following are some steps which President Kahin and his government might take to build upon the recent progress in ties with the United States with a view to eventually securing formal recognition of what their citizens have accomplished in building a nation out of the wreckage of the former Somalia:

First, one cannot understate the importance of the presidential election scheduled for August 2008: it must be a model of free, fair, and transparent balloting. One of the most important claims that Somaliland makes on the attention of the international community is its democratic politics. While the 2005 elections for the House of Representatives marked a significant milestone in that the incumbent president's UDUB won only 33 seats in the 82-member legislature (KULMIYE and UCID won 28 and 21 seats, respectively), following this up with a successful second direct democratic presidential vote (the first took place in 2003), would truly confirm Somaliland's status in the company of emerging democracies. The United States has provided over $1 million to the International Republican Institute (IRI) to support training and other programs in preparation for the elections, while the State Department expects to make an additional $1.5 million available after the voting. The European Union is likewise providing financial assistance for the electoral exercise.

Second, beyond the voting, Somaliland must continue making progress on democratic governance. The territory is characterized a "partly free," scoring 5 on political rights and 4 on civil liberties in Freedom House's annual report, Freedom in the World 2008 (the scale is 1 to 7, with 1 corresponding to the highest and 7 the lowest levels of freedom). While the scores are impressive in contrast to that of the countries in its neighborhood – Somalia scores an abysmal 7 on both indices, Ethiopia and Djibouti scores a 5 on both political freedom and civil rights, while Eritrea manages to score 7 and 6 respectively – there is still considerable room for improvement. The members of the upper chamber of parliament, the House of Elders (Guurti), for example, have repeatedly extended their own terms of office. Corruption, while not as insidious as elsewhere in Africa, nonetheless needs to be systematically combated; while President Kahin deserves credit for sacking a number of corrupt officials during his tenure, the fact that they were even in place at all and needed to be removed is still disconcerting. While Somaliland is a largely homogenous society, there are nonetheless a few very small minority communities whose concerns could also be better addressed in the overall political process.

Third, while President Kahin expressed the willingness of Somaliland to work with U.S. regional counterterrorism efforts during his meetings with Defense Department officials in Washington last month – and legal avenues for such cooperation need to be found on the American side – Hargeysa must redouble its efforts on the anti-extremism front. And while government agencies on the American side may have unresolved issues with certain types of engagements with their Somaliland counterparts, nothing prevents the latter from more increasing the quantity and quality of intelligence which they share. This would be particularly helpful since American military and intelligence officials have very limited access to reliable information from southern Somalia, an area where Somalilanders not only are better positioned to operate, but in fact already do so extensively. While I realize that this proposal shifts the burden somewhat to Somaliland, it is, after all, Somalilanders who are trying to make a case for partnership with the United States. (For their part, American officials would do well to shift responsibility for matters relating to Somaliland from the U.S. embassy in Kenya to the one in Ethiopia given that while there are no direct connections between Hargeysa and Nairobi, Somaliland officials and civilians routinely pass through Addis Ababa en route to other destinations.)

Fourth, it is no secret that the former Somalia has significant potential natural resources. Last summer, I reported on how the People's Republic of China was making a play for the oil in TFG President Abdillahi Yusuf's home turf. There is every reason to believe that similar wealth is to be found not only on Somaliland's territory, but also in its waters. While every state (and aspiring state) has the right to make such commercial arrangements as it deems most advantageous – there are reports of the Swedish-based Lundin Petroleum AB (owned, since 2001, by Canada's Talisman Energy) had approached Somaliland's Ministry of Water and Minerals for rights to oil and natural gas exploration – authorities in Hargeysa would do well to consider the long-term strategic implications of their decisions as well as the economic benefits. Even if their foreign policy elites were not generally divorced from the interests of their business classes, neither Sweden nor Canada would likely be much of a strategic ally for anyone, much less a nascent state in a dangerous neighborhood like the one Somaliland finds itself in. In contrast, as Walter Russell Mead and other scholars have pointed out, there is a long tradition of American business and government working in tandem, with the latter often following the former's lead and U.S. political interests adjusting themselves to advance the economic interests of its citizens. Not only should the government in Hargeysa be open to approaches by American firms, but it ought to actively court them, realizing that without significant commercial ties to the United States, any political relations – if they come about at all – will be very tenuous. Conversely, the presence of American business interests, especially in strategic sectors, reinforces the geopolitical case for diplomatic ties between Washington and Hargeysa.

Commenting on Somaliland, I.M. Lewis, the British scholar who for half a century has been the preeminent authority on the Somali peoples, observed: "The overall achievement so far as truly remarkable, and all the more so in that it has been accomplished by the people of Somaliland themselves with very little external help or intervention. The contrast with the fate of southern Somalia hardly needs to be underlined." For these two reasons, among others, it is hoped that Somaliland will take the steps necessary to take advantage of the momentum in favor of advancing ties with its natural strategic partner, the United States, to the next level.

— J. Peter Pham is Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is a Senior Fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C., as well as Vice President of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA).

Source:World Defense Review

http://somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/319/17.shtml

The US should recognize an independent Somaliland

by Patrick Lineberry

The Horn of Africa has long been vacillating between the outbreak of conflict and repressed tension both within these countries Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya and across their borders.

On a recent trip to Ethiopia I somehow became involved in the struggle of Somaliland, and I am now working with the Somaliland government and the Somaliland lobby in the US Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction Institute (SOPRI) for the international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.

Even though it effectively functions as a sovereign state, international recognition would be the most beneficial step toward stability in Somalia and the Horn, and eventually African unity, contrary to the belief of many scholars.

Since the issue has started to peak its head into the international news scene, I have been confronted with a number of serious questions which, if answered insufficiently, would make life much harder for Somalilanders and those fighting for Somaliland's independence. To sum it up, are Somaliland's problems big enough to jeopardize its future and the Horn after gaining independence?

Supporters of Somaliland's independence have argued that its democratic record along with its respect for civil liberties are the best in the Horn and a contender among the best in Africa, which is true .

However, that may not be good enough. A few critics see Somaliland as a "tinderbox waiting to explode", alleging that its multiparty democracy is being subordinated by clanism, without any concrete proof, which is one of the key factors that deprives the Transitional Federal Government of legitimacy and perpetuates anarchy in Southern Somalia. Also illuminated has been Somaliland's recent jailing (but relatively prompt release) of party leaders.

Supporters also welcome the stabilizing effect that Somaliland's independence will have over Somalia and the Horn of Africa and maintain that Somaliland's fate depends on further efforts toward state-building, primarily that the state increasingly supports broad social interests.

Now it's time to consider the alternatives. First, we can leave Somaliland to the African Union, which has already executed a fact-finding mission suggesting the issue be brought to the floor for a vote. But with the African Union so divided between northern Africa and sub-Saharan Africa there is no incentive for members to pursue Somaliland's independence.

Also, the broad African trend of national power consolidation further inhibits state interaction, and right-wing Muslim-African states threatened by the potential of a moderate Islamic state have incentive not to pursue Somaliland's independence.

Tensions could remain and will probably increase between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia, despite the internationally-recognized TFG, and the AU will continue to be polarized on such important issues as this, demonstrating its inability to address critical African issues, if even to forego regional differences and uniting to condemn Somaliland's independence.

The time for African Union leadership may have passed and the issue will continue to stagnate if left alone. AU leadership is thwarted, some argue, by the maintenance of the oligarchic state. But just as Somaliland has a unique candidacy for recognition so is its potential in African unity. Somaliland's fiercely egalitarian society coupled with what may be called at least a semblance of democracy which is more than any other country in the Horn can muster still make it the best candidate not only for building peace and stability in the Horn but for advancing US interests throughout Africa.

At the moment it remains the best policy choice for the US in Africa, abroad, and in the War on Terror because its gains far outweigh the risks.

The AU will not be in a position of unity to act effectively on any issue for some time unless powers outside Africa help with Somaliland's recognition. The political problems in Africa and Somalia stem from oligarchy and anarchy, respectively, both of which keep fellow Africans at a distance from one another and provide more fertile grounds for Islamism without effective redistribution of wealth and little outlet for expression.

Recognizing and partnering with Somaliland legitimizes the alternatives to oligarchy and anarchy and would inspire hope for democracy and liberty at least in the Horn. It would show that the US and the West are interested in providing legitimate opportunities for poor Muslim countries that are threatened by radical Islam.

International recognition will give Somaliland resources, accountability, and backing to improve its record and represent humanity to the region, to the African continent, and to the Arab world.

Now let's consider what will happen if other international powers, such as the US, enter into the picture. If the US took the initiative of establishing diplomatic ties with Somaliland this would put much more pressure on the AU to consider the issue either way, to go against it or to support it.

African states care about what others do in Africa. And because the US and the West do not want to be seen as neo-colonial powers, then meaningful multilateral talks between Somaliland and other African countries will happen, effectively leaving Somaliland to establish diplomatic ties with other African countries on its own terms and not those of the US.

A recognized Somaliland would be able to confront other right-wing Islamist states, especially those in Africa. Like Turkey, Somaliland is a secular, democratic state that straddles two continental regions, the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. Somaliland has the ability to play a unique role in African and Arab affairs, promoting the case for human freedom while understanding the Muslim and African perspective. Just as Turkey is helping to manage the conflict in Iraq, Somaliland would be able to contribute a similar role in regional conflict.

Just as well another secular, democratic, Muslim state could be the beginning of such an alliance that could have sway over other Muslim countries and that is not so hostile to the West. And it should go without mentioning Somaliland's immediate role in helping curb radical Islam in southern Somalia increasingly referred to as the "third front" in the War on Terror by additional US support and the existence of legitimate stability next door.

The worst-case scenario is that the Horn will resume conflict. It could either be between northern and southern Somalis or between a united Somalia and surrounding countries where there are still Somali irredentist claims. The latter, however, is not likely given that a united Somalia would have to take the form of some kind of confederation, thus making it more stable and its foreign policy more deliberate.

A confederal Somalia would not disturb its neighbors; a unitary Somalia has and would. It is still possible that southern Somalia, as well as the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, would engage in conflict.

But with Somaliland representing the only recognized and potent force in Somali territory, it would have the upper hand. Just as well, jihad from southern Somalia has only been declared on Ethiopia and would not be declared on a completely Muslim state so, radical Islam does not pose a threat to relations between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia, and Somaliland has not provoked nor been aggressive toward southern Somalia.

The key is recognizing that while southern Somalis are largely divided it is largely the result of external forces (i.e. political Islam from the Middle East, Eritrea fighting a proxy war with Ethiopia in Somalia, and the international legitimacy given to the unpopular and ineffective TFG). If southern Somalia were to unite then that sense of Somali brotherhood will have trumped conflict as a means of resolution and peace in the region.

And it is still possible, but very unlikely given all that Somaliland has achieved within the last seventeen years without any major assistance, that upon independence Somaliland could squander its resources and itself become part of the Somali legacy of being a collapsed state. This possibility certainly exists, but it doesn't seem likely.

Considering that Somaliland will only enter into negotiations with Somalia as equally recognized states, these are necessary trials in order for peace to begin to be restored in the Horn of Africa.

What an independent Somaliland can offer is the final piece of the African puzzle for Africa and for the US. After Somaliland there will be no other African nations that have a legal right for recognition. For one, this will allow the AU the energy to solve other issues. Moreover though, at the least it will provide the US with another ally in the Horn that will prove to be more preferable than with the TFG.

Africa has shown its tendency toward oligarchy and repressive regimes, even under the guise of democracy. Somaliland does come with baggage that might require improvements considering the responsibilities the international community has shown toward recognized countries.

But leaving it to the AU is not a viable option. The US should also consider its tarnished reputation in the Muslim world, having directly torn Afghanistan and Iraq apart and indirectly southern Somalia, all to the avail of little or no progress. Many European countries have been deliberating over recognizing Somaliland for years and have sent envoys to investigate its case.

The US should spearhead this opportunity to restore its reputation in the Muslim world by becoming involved with a Muslim country (whose case is very good, though not perfect, for advancing the cause of democracy) without an ominous military overtone. It should also ally with like-minded world powers to restore its respect for truly multilateral efforts by working through international bodies such as the AU and by recognizing the place of international conventions, which in fact support Somaliland's independence.

The consequences of complacency justify doing something about the Somaliland question. Otherwise, Somaliland could become involved in a bitter turmoil with southern Somalia, similar to its experience with the oppressive Barre regime in the 1980s and 90s. The AU would not pursue further unity. Also, the US could be one big step closer to losing the War on Terror.

Source:Helium

http://www.helium.com/tm/808050/africa-vacillating-between-outbreak

Somaliland: Will the U.S. do it ? (Blog)

Published 12/13/2007 - 1:31 p.m.
OPINION/ By Rooble Mohamed

Do what exactly?


Well the last discussion of the Pentagon about Somaliland was a positive move from the US. Some would say it is the best during the past 17 years. I think it is still hard for some people to believe that the US is finally in favor of Somaliland’s recognition. Why not ? what is Somaliland differ from its own sister, Kosovo ?

Somaliland has been independent from the rest of Somalia for the last 17 years maintaining the best peace-building practices in the world. It maintained to start from the scratch without any support from the International community. Building a high quality military and police forces, creating a whole governmental body with its government, parliament, judicial system, national bank, etc. all elected by the public is something that is very rare in the whole Africa. For Somaliland it was success but it always met a blind eyes from the western powers when it comes to the issue of international recognition. With all the efforts done by the government, the opposition parties and the Somaliland individuals living inside and outside the country there are still no touchable results of the issue.

Suddenly here is the US debating over Somaliland’s recognition and clearly in favor of it. It was a big surprise to the world especially after the Kosovo’s issue. It was a big success for Somaliland’s foreign minister for his struggle to put this issue at least on the table and he immediately replied to the pentagon for their concern. The Somaliland community everywhere also welcomed the move as they see this is a golden opportunity for their abandoned country.

Some Arab newsletters and journals started to highlight the issue marking it as Arabs loosing Somalia if Somaliland is recognized. It is usual that Arabs do not welcome anything that is for the good of Somaliland but they don’t have a choice this time especially when the US is the one lobbying for the case.

Now as the Somalilanders are expecting a bravely move from the America to announce its recognition to Somaliland and the Somaliland’s enemy is waiting for the outcome of more discussions within the Bush administration it is expected otherwise too.

Somaliland made all the necessary steps to be an independent government and the last move of closing the border in Sool region can be described as the last step to finalize the struggle which attracted the international attention towards Somaliland.


But the question is:


Will the US do it ?


Will the US dare to face this and announce their recognition to Somaliland ?


If that happens then the Americans will be welcomed flowers in this part of the world.

Jimma Times


http://www.golisnews.com/view_left.php?articleid=4917

A Bill On Somaliland Recognition To Be Introduced To US Congress

US Congress

Washington DC, January 24, 2008 – A draft Bill on expressing the sense of the Congress that the United States should recognize an independent Somaliland is prepared and presented to members of the US Congress.

Prepared by a group that calls itself “Friends of Somaliland People” the Draft Bill urges the government of the United States to formally recognize the independent status of Somaliland “within its colonial borders which are still in tact, being a very reasonable step toward bringing peace to the Horn of Africa and constituting the acceptance of established international law.”

“Patrick Linberry, head of the US wing of the group has met with legislators to discuss the introduction of a bill that would recognize Somaliland as an independent country, reads a press release by the group.

“Right now we are looking for a co-sponsor for the bill so that it can be introduced into one of the two houses. It has already been looked over by the Somaliland government and the Somaliland lobby in the US. As a starting point I have met with senators and representatives of whom I am a constituent,” he told a news wire called addishorn.com.

“He has met with and spoken to the offices of Senators Dole (R-NC) and Burr (R-NC) and Representatives Miller (D-NC), who is member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, and Coble (R-NC), it was learnt.

“Rep. Howard Coble’s office said it is willing to offer support, whether it means writing a letter of support to the Department of State or actually seeing that this bill is introduced in the House, said the press release.

“It is to be recalled that a high-level delegation from Somaliland, led by President Dahir Kahin Rayale, departed Washington January 19 after an eight-day visit. While there, the delegation met with senior officials of the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, Department of Defense, and National Security Council staff, among others.

“This cordial and constructive visit demonstrated U.S. engagement with Somaliland in furtherance of our common interests in the areas of regional peace and security, economic development, and democratic reform,” said a statement from the US Department of State.

Source: Addis Horn

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=7541

Top US envoy for Africa meets Somaliland leader

Somaliland : US Divided Over Existing Policy

President Rayale and Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer

Washington DC, January 19, 2008 (SL Times) – While a recent meeting confirms internal policy divisions within Washington, it highlights Somaliland’s notable democratic credentials.

Below is an article published by Agence France-Presse:

The top US diplomat for Africa has met with the president of Somaliland, but the talks do not mean Washington is ready to recognize the Republic of Somaliland, US officials said Thursday [18 January 2008].

US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer had lunch with Somaliland president Dahir Rayale Kahin at the State Department on Monday [14 January 2008], a US diplomat said on condition of anonymity.

But State Department spokesman Sean McCormack stressed that the meeting did not imply US recognition of the northwestern coast region, which split from Somalia in 1991.

"There's no change in our policy position vis-a-vis recognition of Somaliland. We are not on the verge of recognizing Somaliland," McCormack told reporters.

"There is a process under way that the AU (African Union) is engaged in and we are going to be watching very closely that situation, but there's no change in our policy," he said.

McCormack said the meeting is part of Washington's policy of speaking with key players in Somalia in order to build democracy in the east African country, which has been plagued by civil unrest since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siyad Barre.

"We think it's important to have as many political contacts as we can with responsible individuals in Somalia who have an interest in building up the democratic structures and institutions of Somalia and trying to take it from where it is to a much more hopeful future," he said.

"Certainly, Jendayi's meetings ... fall solidly in that category and it's a policy that we are going to continue to pursue," he said.

"We have interest in fighting terrorism in Somalia, as well as in the Horn of Africa. ... Anybody who has an interest in a more peaceful and democratic Somalia has a role to play in this process."

A former British protectorate, Somaliland united with the Italian Somalia in 1960. But the region unilaterally broke away five months after Barre was ousted in 1991.

The Washington Post reported last month that US officials were debating whether to shift US support from the fragile Somali government to the less volatile region of Somaliland.

But State Department officials oppose such a move, putting them at odds with Defense Department officials who say that forging ties with Somaliland could help bring stability to the region, the Post said.

The Somaliland leader also had Washington meetings this week with officials from White House National Security Council, the Defense Department, and the U.S. Agency for International Development.

His late predecessor as Somaliland president, Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, had a similar round of Washington meetings in 1999

The region of 3.5 million people, which adopted a provisional constitution in 1997 and ratified it four years later, boasts its own president, government, parliament, police force, penal code and currency.

Source: Agence France-Presse

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/313/027.shtml

The Pentagon’s view is that “ Somaliland should be independent”

Robert Gates, US Defense Secretary
By Ann Scott Tyson

CAMP LEMONIER, Djibouti, December 3 - The escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991, U.S. defense and military officials said.

Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates discussed regional issues during a visit to Djibouti on Monday, including Somalia and the presence there of about 8,000 Ethiopian troops, the officials said. Ethiopian forces intervened a year ago to install the fledgling government in Mogadishu and they continue to fight Islamic radicals in Somalia.

"My biggest concern about Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there," Gates said on his first visit to the Horn of Africa as defense secretary. Asked about allegations of human rights abuses by Ethiopian troops in Somalia, Gates said: "We're obviously very interested in helping the African Union and Ugandans to try and exercise some constructive influence on the Ethiopians."

U.S. military officials say Somalia is the greatest source of instability in the Horn of Africa, leading them to seek new ways to contain the violence there.

One approach, Pentagon officials argue, would be to forge ties with Somaliland, as the U.S. military has with Kenya and other countries bordering Somalia. A breakaway region along Somalia's northwestern coast, Somaliland has about 2 million people and an elected president, and offers greater potential for U.S. military assistance to bolster security, even though it lacks international recognition, they say.

" Somaliland is an entity that works," a senior defense official said. "We're caught between a rock and a hard place because they're not a recognized state," the official said.

The Pentagon's view is that " Somaliland should be independent," another defense official said. "We should build up the parts that are functional and box in" Somalia's unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu.

In contrast, "the State Department wants to fix the broken part first -- that's been a failed policy," the official said.

The official U.S. government position is that the United States should withhold recognition from Somaliland because the African Union has yet to recognize it. "We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance," said Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi E. Frazer in an e-mailed response to questions.

The issue is diplomatically sensitive because recognizing Somaliland could set a precedent for other secession movements seeking to change colonial-era borders, opening a Pandora's box in the region.

In Djibouti, U.S. military officials say they are eager to engage Somaliland. "We'd love to, we're just waiting for State to give us the okay," said Navy Capt. Bob Wright, head of strategic communication for the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa. The task force is composed of about 1,800 U.S. troops who conduct military training and reconstruction projects such as digging wells and building schools in 11 countries in the region.

Meanwhile, the United States continues to back Somalia's weak Transitional Federal Government, set up in late 2004 with support from international organizations and the African Union.

That incursion also created an opportunity for the U.S. military to take action in Somalia with counterterrorism raids by small Special Operations teams. Together with the CIA, they are attempting to eliminate members of what is known as the East Africa al-Qaeda cell, thought to be responsible for the U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, according to defense officials.

"They are precise, laser-like focused, small, a handful of guys who go in and out," the defense official said. "Some things the agency [ Central Intelligence Agency] does, some things they allow us to do," the official said, adding that counterterrorism operations are ongoing.

In Somalia, the U.S. military has also staged at least two AC-130 gunship airstrikes and a naval strike targeting suspected al-Qaeda operatives in the past year.

In recent months, human rights groups have accused Ethiopian forces of abuses such as rape and indiscriminate killing of civilians as they bomb and burn villages in counterinsurgency operations.

Despite those allegations, the Pentagon continues to back the Ethiopian presence. "Any government that provides Somalis with assistance we support, including Ethiopia," a senior defense official said. "I am unaware of specific allegations regarding the conduct of the Ethiopian troops."

Source: Washington Post

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2007/307/027.shtml

Jendayi Frazer Visits Somaliland

Jendayi Frazer on arrival at Hargeysa airport received by top Somaliland ministers

Hargeysa, Somaliland, 3 February 2008 (SL Times) - U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer flew in to Egal international Hargeysa airport with the Special Envoy for Somalia, John M. Yates, for a one day brief visit. This is the highest US ranking diplomat to visit the republic since its independence declaration in 1991.

The US delegation was met at the airport by Somaliland’s Foreign minister Abdillahi M. Duale, the Interior minister Abdillahi Ismail Ali, the minister of Aviation Ali M Waranade and other Somaliland top officials.

U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Miss Jendayi Frazer

Miss Jendayi Frazer briefly spoke to the media at VIP lounge and was asked the purpose of her visit to Hargeysa.

“Our visit to Somaliland is in connection and follow-up to President Dahir Rayale Kahin’s recent, visit, to Washington and on top of that to continue to work with the Somaliland authorities in the issues concerning peace, stability and security of the region. Our visit is also an acknowledgement of the democratic progress made by Somaliland,” said Jendayi Frazer

In addition, the U.S. Assistant Secretary said that "the US, assisted Somaliland in past elections and will continue to do so in the coming elections. We are here, today, to show our support for this and to mark the friendship and cooperation existing between the two countries.”

Speaking to the local media at Egal international airport VIP lounge, Jendayi Frazer commented on the issue of recognition: “we have said on many occasions that the US will continue to work with Somaliland, in particular, in the strong democratic values which Somaliland has succeeded in implementing and that we believe the issue of recognition should be left with the AU. We will work with the AU and will respect whatever decision it makes on Somaliland’s status.”

The US delegation left the airport for Ambassador Hotel and held talks with President Dahir Rayale Kahin and the opposition political parties.

Jendayi Frazer met with President Rayale and top government officials behind closed doors. She also met Kulmiye, Ucid and Udub political party heads in private.

The US delegation also talked to the leaders of the unregistered political party ‘Qaran’ at the Ambassador Hotel.

Jendayi Frazer’s discussions with the president, government officials and political parties concerned issues relating to strengthening US and Somaliland ties and strenghthening cooperation of the two countries and discussed in detail the republic's up and coming general elections, scheduled to take place in six months time.

After a brief 4hr visit to Somaliland, Jendayi Frazer and her delegation flew back to Addis Ababa from Egal international airport.

Source: Somaliland Times

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/315/71.shtml