The US should recognize an independent Somaliland

by Patrick Lineberry

The Horn of Africa has long been vacillating between the outbreak of conflict and repressed tension both within these countries Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya and across their borders.

On a recent trip to Ethiopia I somehow became involved in the struggle of Somaliland, and I am now working with the Somaliland government and the Somaliland lobby in the US Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction Institute (SOPRI) for the international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.

Even though it effectively functions as a sovereign state, international recognition would be the most beneficial step toward stability in Somalia and the Horn, and eventually African unity, contrary to the belief of many scholars.

Since the issue has started to peak its head into the international news scene, I have been confronted with a number of serious questions which, if answered insufficiently, would make life much harder for Somalilanders and those fighting for Somaliland's independence. To sum it up, are Somaliland's problems big enough to jeopardize its future and the Horn after gaining independence?

Supporters of Somaliland's independence have argued that its democratic record along with its respect for civil liberties are the best in the Horn and a contender among the best in Africa, which is true .

However, that may not be good enough. A few critics see Somaliland as a "tinderbox waiting to explode", alleging that its multiparty democracy is being subordinated by clanism, without any concrete proof, which is one of the key factors that deprives the Transitional Federal Government of legitimacy and perpetuates anarchy in Southern Somalia. Also illuminated has been Somaliland's recent jailing (but relatively prompt release) of party leaders.

Supporters also welcome the stabilizing effect that Somaliland's independence will have over Somalia and the Horn of Africa and maintain that Somaliland's fate depends on further efforts toward state-building, primarily that the state increasingly supports broad social interests.

Now it's time to consider the alternatives. First, we can leave Somaliland to the African Union, which has already executed a fact-finding mission suggesting the issue be brought to the floor for a vote. But with the African Union so divided between northern Africa and sub-Saharan Africa there is no incentive for members to pursue Somaliland's independence.

Also, the broad African trend of national power consolidation further inhibits state interaction, and right-wing Muslim-African states threatened by the potential of a moderate Islamic state have incentive not to pursue Somaliland's independence.

Tensions could remain and will probably increase between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia, despite the internationally-recognized TFG, and the AU will continue to be polarized on such important issues as this, demonstrating its inability to address critical African issues, if even to forego regional differences and uniting to condemn Somaliland's independence.

The time for African Union leadership may have passed and the issue will continue to stagnate if left alone. AU leadership is thwarted, some argue, by the maintenance of the oligarchic state. But just as Somaliland has a unique candidacy for recognition so is its potential in African unity. Somaliland's fiercely egalitarian society coupled with what may be called at least a semblance of democracy which is more than any other country in the Horn can muster still make it the best candidate not only for building peace and stability in the Horn but for advancing US interests throughout Africa.

At the moment it remains the best policy choice for the US in Africa, abroad, and in the War on Terror because its gains far outweigh the risks.

The AU will not be in a position of unity to act effectively on any issue for some time unless powers outside Africa help with Somaliland's recognition. The political problems in Africa and Somalia stem from oligarchy and anarchy, respectively, both of which keep fellow Africans at a distance from one another and provide more fertile grounds for Islamism without effective redistribution of wealth and little outlet for expression.

Recognizing and partnering with Somaliland legitimizes the alternatives to oligarchy and anarchy and would inspire hope for democracy and liberty at least in the Horn. It would show that the US and the West are interested in providing legitimate opportunities for poor Muslim countries that are threatened by radical Islam.

International recognition will give Somaliland resources, accountability, and backing to improve its record and represent humanity to the region, to the African continent, and to the Arab world.

Now let's consider what will happen if other international powers, such as the US, enter into the picture. If the US took the initiative of establishing diplomatic ties with Somaliland this would put much more pressure on the AU to consider the issue either way, to go against it or to support it.

African states care about what others do in Africa. And because the US and the West do not want to be seen as neo-colonial powers, then meaningful multilateral talks between Somaliland and other African countries will happen, effectively leaving Somaliland to establish diplomatic ties with other African countries on its own terms and not those of the US.

A recognized Somaliland would be able to confront other right-wing Islamist states, especially those in Africa. Like Turkey, Somaliland is a secular, democratic state that straddles two continental regions, the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. Somaliland has the ability to play a unique role in African and Arab affairs, promoting the case for human freedom while understanding the Muslim and African perspective. Just as Turkey is helping to manage the conflict in Iraq, Somaliland would be able to contribute a similar role in regional conflict.

Just as well another secular, democratic, Muslim state could be the beginning of such an alliance that could have sway over other Muslim countries and that is not so hostile to the West. And it should go without mentioning Somaliland's immediate role in helping curb radical Islam in southern Somalia increasingly referred to as the "third front" in the War on Terror by additional US support and the existence of legitimate stability next door.

The worst-case scenario is that the Horn will resume conflict. It could either be between northern and southern Somalis or between a united Somalia and surrounding countries where there are still Somali irredentist claims. The latter, however, is not likely given that a united Somalia would have to take the form of some kind of confederation, thus making it more stable and its foreign policy more deliberate.

A confederal Somalia would not disturb its neighbors; a unitary Somalia has and would. It is still possible that southern Somalia, as well as the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, would engage in conflict.

But with Somaliland representing the only recognized and potent force in Somali territory, it would have the upper hand. Just as well, jihad from southern Somalia has only been declared on Ethiopia and would not be declared on a completely Muslim state so, radical Islam does not pose a threat to relations between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia, and Somaliland has not provoked nor been aggressive toward southern Somalia.

The key is recognizing that while southern Somalis are largely divided it is largely the result of external forces (i.e. political Islam from the Middle East, Eritrea fighting a proxy war with Ethiopia in Somalia, and the international legitimacy given to the unpopular and ineffective TFG). If southern Somalia were to unite then that sense of Somali brotherhood will have trumped conflict as a means of resolution and peace in the region.

And it is still possible, but very unlikely given all that Somaliland has achieved within the last seventeen years without any major assistance, that upon independence Somaliland could squander its resources and itself become part of the Somali legacy of being a collapsed state. This possibility certainly exists, but it doesn't seem likely.

Considering that Somaliland will only enter into negotiations with Somalia as equally recognized states, these are necessary trials in order for peace to begin to be restored in the Horn of Africa.

What an independent Somaliland can offer is the final piece of the African puzzle for Africa and for the US. After Somaliland there will be no other African nations that have a legal right for recognition. For one, this will allow the AU the energy to solve other issues. Moreover though, at the least it will provide the US with another ally in the Horn that will prove to be more preferable than with the TFG.

Africa has shown its tendency toward oligarchy and repressive regimes, even under the guise of democracy. Somaliland does come with baggage that might require improvements considering the responsibilities the international community has shown toward recognized countries.

But leaving it to the AU is not a viable option. The US should also consider its tarnished reputation in the Muslim world, having directly torn Afghanistan and Iraq apart and indirectly southern Somalia, all to the avail of little or no progress. Many European countries have been deliberating over recognizing Somaliland for years and have sent envoys to investigate its case.

The US should spearhead this opportunity to restore its reputation in the Muslim world by becoming involved with a Muslim country (whose case is very good, though not perfect, for advancing the cause of democracy) without an ominous military overtone. It should also ally with like-minded world powers to restore its respect for truly multilateral efforts by working through international bodies such as the AU and by recognizing the place of international conventions, which in fact support Somaliland's independence.

The consequences of complacency justify doing something about the Somaliland question. Otherwise, Somaliland could become involved in a bitter turmoil with southern Somalia, similar to its experience with the oppressive Barre regime in the 1980s and 90s. The AU would not pursue further unity. Also, the US could be one big step closer to losing the War on Terror.

Source:Helium

http://www.helium.com/tm/808050/africa-vacillating-between-outbreak

Somaliland: Will the U.S. do it ? (Blog)

Published 12/13/2007 - 1:31 p.m.
OPINION/ By Rooble Mohamed

Do what exactly?


Well the last discussion of the Pentagon about Somaliland was a positive move from the US. Some would say it is the best during the past 17 years. I think it is still hard for some people to believe that the US is finally in favor of Somaliland’s recognition. Why not ? what is Somaliland differ from its own sister, Kosovo ?

Somaliland has been independent from the rest of Somalia for the last 17 years maintaining the best peace-building practices in the world. It maintained to start from the scratch without any support from the International community. Building a high quality military and police forces, creating a whole governmental body with its government, parliament, judicial system, national bank, etc. all elected by the public is something that is very rare in the whole Africa. For Somaliland it was success but it always met a blind eyes from the western powers when it comes to the issue of international recognition. With all the efforts done by the government, the opposition parties and the Somaliland individuals living inside and outside the country there are still no touchable results of the issue.

Suddenly here is the US debating over Somaliland’s recognition and clearly in favor of it. It was a big surprise to the world especially after the Kosovo’s issue. It was a big success for Somaliland’s foreign minister for his struggle to put this issue at least on the table and he immediately replied to the pentagon for their concern. The Somaliland community everywhere also welcomed the move as they see this is a golden opportunity for their abandoned country.

Some Arab newsletters and journals started to highlight the issue marking it as Arabs loosing Somalia if Somaliland is recognized. It is usual that Arabs do not welcome anything that is for the good of Somaliland but they don’t have a choice this time especially when the US is the one lobbying for the case.

Now as the Somalilanders are expecting a bravely move from the America to announce its recognition to Somaliland and the Somaliland’s enemy is waiting for the outcome of more discussions within the Bush administration it is expected otherwise too.

Somaliland made all the necessary steps to be an independent government and the last move of closing the border in Sool region can be described as the last step to finalize the struggle which attracted the international attention towards Somaliland.


But the question is:


Will the US do it ?


Will the US dare to face this and announce their recognition to Somaliland ?


If that happens then the Americans will be welcomed flowers in this part of the world.

Jimma Times


http://www.golisnews.com/view_left.php?articleid=4917

A Bill On Somaliland Recognition To Be Introduced To US Congress

US Congress

Washington DC, January 24, 2008 – A draft Bill on expressing the sense of the Congress that the United States should recognize an independent Somaliland is prepared and presented to members of the US Congress.

Prepared by a group that calls itself “Friends of Somaliland People” the Draft Bill urges the government of the United States to formally recognize the independent status of Somaliland “within its colonial borders which are still in tact, being a very reasonable step toward bringing peace to the Horn of Africa and constituting the acceptance of established international law.”

“Patrick Linberry, head of the US wing of the group has met with legislators to discuss the introduction of a bill that would recognize Somaliland as an independent country, reads a press release by the group.

“Right now we are looking for a co-sponsor for the bill so that it can be introduced into one of the two houses. It has already been looked over by the Somaliland government and the Somaliland lobby in the US. As a starting point I have met with senators and representatives of whom I am a constituent,” he told a news wire called addishorn.com.

“He has met with and spoken to the offices of Senators Dole (R-NC) and Burr (R-NC) and Representatives Miller (D-NC), who is member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, and Coble (R-NC), it was learnt.

“Rep. Howard Coble’s office said it is willing to offer support, whether it means writing a letter of support to the Department of State or actually seeing that this bill is introduced in the House, said the press release.

“It is to be recalled that a high-level delegation from Somaliland, led by President Dahir Kahin Rayale, departed Washington January 19 after an eight-day visit. While there, the delegation met with senior officials of the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, Department of Defense, and National Security Council staff, among others.

“This cordial and constructive visit demonstrated U.S. engagement with Somaliland in furtherance of our common interests in the areas of regional peace and security, economic development, and democratic reform,” said a statement from the US Department of State.

Source: Addis Horn

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=7541

Top US envoy for Africa meets Somaliland leader

Somaliland : US Divided Over Existing Policy

President Rayale and Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer

Washington DC, January 19, 2008 (SL Times) – While a recent meeting confirms internal policy divisions within Washington, it highlights Somaliland’s notable democratic credentials.

Below is an article published by Agence France-Presse:

The top US diplomat for Africa has met with the president of Somaliland, but the talks do not mean Washington is ready to recognize the Republic of Somaliland, US officials said Thursday [18 January 2008].

US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer had lunch with Somaliland president Dahir Rayale Kahin at the State Department on Monday [14 January 2008], a US diplomat said on condition of anonymity.

But State Department spokesman Sean McCormack stressed that the meeting did not imply US recognition of the northwestern coast region, which split from Somalia in 1991.

"There's no change in our policy position vis-a-vis recognition of Somaliland. We are not on the verge of recognizing Somaliland," McCormack told reporters.

"There is a process under way that the AU (African Union) is engaged in and we are going to be watching very closely that situation, but there's no change in our policy," he said.

McCormack said the meeting is part of Washington's policy of speaking with key players in Somalia in order to build democracy in the east African country, which has been plagued by civil unrest since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siyad Barre.

"We think it's important to have as many political contacts as we can with responsible individuals in Somalia who have an interest in building up the democratic structures and institutions of Somalia and trying to take it from where it is to a much more hopeful future," he said.

"Certainly, Jendayi's meetings ... fall solidly in that category and it's a policy that we are going to continue to pursue," he said.

"We have interest in fighting terrorism in Somalia, as well as in the Horn of Africa. ... Anybody who has an interest in a more peaceful and democratic Somalia has a role to play in this process."

A former British protectorate, Somaliland united with the Italian Somalia in 1960. But the region unilaterally broke away five months after Barre was ousted in 1991.

The Washington Post reported last month that US officials were debating whether to shift US support from the fragile Somali government to the less volatile region of Somaliland.

But State Department officials oppose such a move, putting them at odds with Defense Department officials who say that forging ties with Somaliland could help bring stability to the region, the Post said.

The Somaliland leader also had Washington meetings this week with officials from White House National Security Council, the Defense Department, and the U.S. Agency for International Development.

His late predecessor as Somaliland president, Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, had a similar round of Washington meetings in 1999

The region of 3.5 million people, which adopted a provisional constitution in 1997 and ratified it four years later, boasts its own president, government, parliament, police force, penal code and currency.

Source: Agence France-Presse

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/313/027.shtml

Somaliland: On The Road To Independent Statehood?

By J. Peter Pham, Ph.D.

December 13th, 2007

In October, in my testimony to a House Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health hearing on security in the Horn of Africa, I stated:

The most significant national interest at stake for the United States in this complex context is to prevent al-Qaeda (or another like-minded international terrorist network) from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in its war against us and our allies…

I would be remiss if I did not avail myself of this opportunity to raise the question of the remarkable reemergence of the Republic of Somaliland amid the ruin of Somalia and multiple conflicts wracking the Horn of Africa. With the collapse of the Somali state, the Somalilanders reasserted their independence and created a functional government, complete with all the accoutrements of modern statehood save, alas, international recognition…

Surely if America’s national commitment to support and strengthen democracy as a bulwark against extremist ideologies and terrorist violence has any real-world application, it is certainly the case here. The point I made at last year’s hearing on the expanding crisis in the Horn of Africa is even truer today: “The people of Somaliland have made their choice for political independence and democratic progress. While they have stumbled occasionally along the way, their efforts deserve encouragement through the appropriate economic, political, and security cooperation-which, in turn, will anchor Somaliland within America’s orbit as well as international society.”

I make no apologies for constantly returning to this theme: it is to me incomprehensible that we continue to express concern about the state of democracy in the Horn of Africa while all but ignoring a New York-sized region that has held internationally-monitored elections for the presidency as well as national and local legislatures. Talk of mixed signals!

Last week, in its December 4 th issue, the Washington Post carried a remarkable article by Ann Scott Tyson. Under the headline “U.S. Debating Shift of Support in Somali Conflict,” the piece notes that “ the escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991” and quotes two anonymous Department of Defense officials:

“Somaliland is an entity that works,” a senior defense official said. “We’re caught between a rock and a hard place because they’re not a recognized state,” the official said.

The Pentagon’s view is that “ Somaliland should be independent,” another defense official said. “We should build up the parts that are functional and box in” Somalia’s unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu.

In contrast, “the State Department wants to fix the broken part first-that’s been a failed policy,” the official said.

In conclusion, Navy Captain Bob Wright, head of strategic communications for the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based at Camp Lemonier, Djibouti, was quoted as saying “ We’d love to [engage Somaliland], we’re just waiting for State to give us the okay.”

The next day, December 5 th, the Bureau of African Affairs posted to the State Department website a five-bullet point “fact sheet” attempting to explain what passes as “United States Policy on Somaliland”:

• The United States currently engages the Somaliland administration and has provided assistance, for example to the election effort. Our policy on recognition is to allow the African Union to first deliberate on the question. We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance.
• As indicated in the full quote above, the United States continues to engage with the administration in Somaliland on a range of issues, most directly Somaliland’s continued progress towards democratization and economic development.
• In FY 2007, the United States provided a total of $1 million through the International Republican Institute to support training for parliamentarians and other key programs in preparations for the upcoming municipal and presidential elections in Somaliland. We expect to provide an additional $1.5 million in continued support for the democratization process in Somaliland following the elections.
• While we continue to engage with the Somaliland administration, we do believe that the African Union is the most appropriate forum to address the question of recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. We understand that Somaliland is pursuing bilateral dialogue with the African Union and its member-states in this regard.
• However, as the African Union continues to deliberate on this issue, the United States will continue to engage with all actors throughout Somalia, including Somaliland, to support the return of lasting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.

On the face of it, the Foggy Bottom’s position seems reasonable enough: the United States does not want to be blamed for opening up a veritable Pandora’s Box by backing a secessionist attempt to redraw colonial-era boundaries in Africa which could cause a ripple effect across the continent; better to let the African Union make that call. However, the artful facade the diplomats put up to cover their geopolitical inertia is utterly mendacious, despite the truly diplomatic efforts of Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale to welcome the State Department’s positive comments about the country’s “continued progress towards democratization and economic development.

First, as I pointed out in this column nearly two years ago: “ From 1884 until 1960, Somaliland existed within its current borders as the protectorate of British Somaliland. On June 26, 1960, Somaliland was granted its independence by the British Crown and was internationally recognized as a sovereign state. When, a week later, the United Nations trust territory that had been the Italian colony of Somalia received its independence, Somaliland joined it to form a united republic. The union, however, was troubled from the beginning…Amid the anarchy that ensued following Siyad Barre’s ignominious flight in January 1991, clan elders in Somaliland issued a declaration reasserting the independence that the northwestern region had briefly enjoyed in 1960.” There is no question of - much less precedent set for - redrawing colonial frontiers.

Second, the African Union (AU) itself has acknowledged the unique circumstances surrounding Somaliland’s quest for recognition. The official report of an AU fact-finding mission to the republic in 2005 led by AU Deputy Chairperson Patrick Mazimhaka concluded: “ The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s Box’. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.”

However, by punting the question to a body like the AU, which decides major political questions by consensus, while simultaneously continuing the delusional policy of recognizing the utterly ineffectual “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as control its putative capital, the State Department belies any pretensions of neutrality. The Africa Bureau knows very well that there is no way the phantasmal TFG will ever permit an AU consensus to be forged which recognizes the de facto Republic of Somaliland. Thus the State Department’s support for the fictional Somalia’s continued presence at international forums like the AU is fundamentally irreconcilable with functional Somaliland’s ever getting a fair hearing. So the only thing conceivably worse than the State Department being cynically duplicitous in its Somaliland policy is the possibility that its denizens don’t realize this and, hence, are criminally incompetent in their guidance of U.S. policy in the geopolitical sensitive Horn of Africa.

Fortunately, the TFG may not be a factor for much longer. Last week, its “president,” Abdillahi Yusuf, was hospitalized in Nairobi, Kenya, and had to cancel a meeting in Addis Ababa with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; should his condition worsen, that charade will be over. The meeting that did take place between TFG “prime minister” Nur Hassan Hussein and America’s top diplomat was farcical to anyone with historical knowledge of the region. The secretary said she hoped “ Hussein will draw on his humanitarian background to facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian aid.”

What “humanitarian background” does Dr. Rice refer to? His role as police colonel under the brutal dictatorship of Muhammad Siyad Barre? His tenure as deputy head of the despot’s “ National Salvation Court,” a military tribunal that sent thousands of regime opponents to their deaths? Or perhaps his leadership of the Somali Red Crescent Society where he “did well by doing good” - so well, in fact, that as Somalia descended into chaos and its luckier citizens fled, his children inexplicably found the capital to open a string of internet cafés and currency exchanges in Great Britain to meet the needs of their displaced countrymen? And while the secretary could only “ encourage” the self-appointed TFG “ to develop a timeline for the remainder of the transitional process by early January” in the hope of staging elections sometime in 2009, Somaliland has already held several sets of the internationally-monitored free polls, the most recent, the parliamentary elections of 2005, was observed and reported on by an International Republican Institute (IRI) delegation led by Ambassador Lange Schermerhorn, a former U.S. envoy to Djibouti who has also served as political advisor to the CJTF-HOA. (I served as an election observer with the ambassador in Nigeria earlier this year.)

The failure of the TFG should not be surprising. As I pointed out a year and a half ago, the pretender regime is little more than the product of a well-intentioned effort by the international community to conjure up yet another government for Somalia after the ignominious collapse the previous year of its previous attempt, the risible “Transitional National Government” (TNG), which went through four prime ministers and hundreds of cabinet members in three years before going bankrupt, having misappropriated millions of dollars in donor funds while governing nothing other than what was inside the confines of the four walls of “president” Abdiqasim Salad Hassan’s villa in nearby Djibouti. With even fewer prospects and, if it is possible, even less legitimacy than the TNG, the TFG’s leaders have little incentive to do anything other than leverage the international recognition which is their only real asset with which to enrich themselves.

One could hardly find a starker contrast to this than Somaliland. As former World Bank economist William Easterly, hardly someone who looks at Africa through rosy lenses, noted in his realistic, if somewhat pessimistic, volume, “The White Man’s Burden: Why the West’s Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good”:

In Somalia, the “international community” has sponsored fourteen rounds of fruitless peace talks since the collapse of the government in 1991, not to mention the failed UN/U.S. military intervention. Meanwhile, without outside intervention, foreign aid, or even international recognition, the breakaway Republic of Somaliland in the north of Somalia has enjoyed peace, economic growth, and democratic elections over the same period.

Thus, among the many others which could be adduced, there are five compelling reasons for the United States to abandon the bankrupt, State Department-driven policy of preferring self-appointed “leaders” of a failed construct to an effective government of a real country:

• Counterterrorism . As the Pentagon has now publicly acknowledged (and as I suggested earlier this year), scarce resources would be better spent boxing in the troubled parts of Somalia, rather than vainly asserting the questionable claims by a clearly unpopular regime whose illegitimacy is actually a magnet for extremists. No less a figure than Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates declared last week while visiting Camp Lemonier that his “ biggest concern for Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there.” Formal ties with Somaliland would permit closer ties between U.S. military and intelligence personnel with their counterparts in the small country’s services. Access to Somaliland territory, including the onetime NATO installation at Berbera, would also expand the scope for counterterrorism and other operations by CJTF-HOA as well as the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) which will subsume it next year.
• Regional stability. Far from being destabilizing, as I told Congress earlier this year, recognition of Somaliland would “ show the countries and peoples of the sub-region our resolve to reward progress as well as give the lie to those who argue that our anti-terrorism and pro-democracy objectives are not subterfuges for an anti-Muslim agenda. (Somaliland’s population is almost exclusively Sunni Muslims and the shahâdah , the Muslim profession of the oneness of God and the acceptance of Muhammad as God’s final prophet, is emblazoned on its flag.)” Furthermore, U.S.-led diplomatic recognition of Somaliland would not only allow the country much-needed access to international institutions and finance for development of the country itself, but also spur regional integration and prosperity. To cite just one example, America’s close partner Ethiopia, whose cut-off from the sea is a factor in the border dispute with Eritrea which I discussed two weeks ago, would benefit directly from access to Somaliland’s 900-kilometer coastline along the Gulf of Aden.
• Natural resources and economic opportunities . Earlier this year, I reported on mainland China’s play for petroleum resources in Somalia. Establishing formal ties with Somaliland would not only open opportunities for American firms to bid for similar concessions in that country, but also to invest in what could be a significant regional market. Conversely, ties with American commercial interests would also help anchor the strategically-placed country in the orbit of the United States as it joins the global economy. On the other hand, Somaliland’s considerable potential for economic and social progress is jeopardized not only by the maelstrom in neighboring Somalia, but also, as the AU has reported, by “ the lack of recognition [which] ties the hands of the authorities and people of Somaliland as they cannot effectively and sustainably transact with the outside to pursue the reconstruction and development goals.”
• Moral imperatives. As I previously argued, “ Somaliland’s trajectory…has been nothing if not extraordinary, being characterized by both social stability and democratic politics-the northern region’s progress standing in stark contrast to the free fall of the rest of the former Somalia. And despite being cut off from international financial institutions, direct bilateral assistance, and other sources of development and investment capital-all for want of diplomatic recognition-the Somalilanders have rebuilt Hargeysa, which was leveled during the Siyad Barre regime’s brutal campaign against them, and resettled close to one million of their displaced citizens.” Somaliland has already had democratic presidential, legislative, and local government elections; even the State Department has acknowledged that its upcoming presidential and municipal elections are more than credible enough to deserve U.S. funding.
• Global leadership. Despite some major faux pas of American foreign policy in recent years - both in substance and implementation - the world still defaults to looking to the United States to take the lead in critical arenas like the Horn of Africa. A number of governments, both African (including those of Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia) and European (including those of Great Britain, Germany, and Sweden), have either entered into de facto relations with or at least made friendly overtures to the Republic of Somaliland. In June, the German federal parliament even passed a resolution calling upon Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government “ to work towards mitigating dangers for Somaliland’s stability that may arise from the current Southern Somali scenario,” including “ initiatives to advance the resolution of the question of an international recognition of an independent Somaliland.” However, nothing is likely to advance without American leadership or at least tacit approval - in any event, the opposite of the State Department’s passive attendance on the AU’s capacity-challenged policymaking and implementation processed (see my column last week on “The Challenge of Peacekeeping in Africa”).

At the very launch of this column series, I wrote: “ Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre’s oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as ‘ Somalia.’ Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people’s quest for freedom and security mirrors America’s values as well as her strategic interests.” If anything, that counsel is even truer today than ever before, as many of our military officers have now publicly acknowledged. The only question is whether or not America’s elected political leaders will have the vision and fortitude to finally instruct their unelected diplomatic mandarins on the real stakes: diplomatic, military, and economic.

FamilySecurityMatters.org Contributing Editor J. Peter Pham is Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is also an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C., as well as Vice President of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA).

http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/global.php?id=1385868#

Source: FamilySecurityMatters

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2007/308/05.shtml

The Pentagon’s view is that “ Somaliland should be independent”

Robert Gates, US Defense Secretary
By Ann Scott Tyson

CAMP LEMONIER, Djibouti, December 3 - The escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991, U.S. defense and military officials said.

Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates discussed regional issues during a visit to Djibouti on Monday, including Somalia and the presence there of about 8,000 Ethiopian troops, the officials said. Ethiopian forces intervened a year ago to install the fledgling government in Mogadishu and they continue to fight Islamic radicals in Somalia.

"My biggest concern about Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there," Gates said on his first visit to the Horn of Africa as defense secretary. Asked about allegations of human rights abuses by Ethiopian troops in Somalia, Gates said: "We're obviously very interested in helping the African Union and Ugandans to try and exercise some constructive influence on the Ethiopians."

U.S. military officials say Somalia is the greatest source of instability in the Horn of Africa, leading them to seek new ways to contain the violence there.

One approach, Pentagon officials argue, would be to forge ties with Somaliland, as the U.S. military has with Kenya and other countries bordering Somalia. A breakaway region along Somalia's northwestern coast, Somaliland has about 2 million people and an elected president, and offers greater potential for U.S. military assistance to bolster security, even though it lacks international recognition, they say.

" Somaliland is an entity that works," a senior defense official said. "We're caught between a rock and a hard place because they're not a recognized state," the official said.

The Pentagon's view is that " Somaliland should be independent," another defense official said. "We should build up the parts that are functional and box in" Somalia's unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu.

In contrast, "the State Department wants to fix the broken part first -- that's been a failed policy," the official said.

The official U.S. government position is that the United States should withhold recognition from Somaliland because the African Union has yet to recognize it. "We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance," said Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi E. Frazer in an e-mailed response to questions.

The issue is diplomatically sensitive because recognizing Somaliland could set a precedent for other secession movements seeking to change colonial-era borders, opening a Pandora's box in the region.

In Djibouti, U.S. military officials say they are eager to engage Somaliland. "We'd love to, we're just waiting for State to give us the okay," said Navy Capt. Bob Wright, head of strategic communication for the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa. The task force is composed of about 1,800 U.S. troops who conduct military training and reconstruction projects such as digging wells and building schools in 11 countries in the region.

Meanwhile, the United States continues to back Somalia's weak Transitional Federal Government, set up in late 2004 with support from international organizations and the African Union.

That incursion also created an opportunity for the U.S. military to take action in Somalia with counterterrorism raids by small Special Operations teams. Together with the CIA, they are attempting to eliminate members of what is known as the East Africa al-Qaeda cell, thought to be responsible for the U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, according to defense officials.

"They are precise, laser-like focused, small, a handful of guys who go in and out," the defense official said. "Some things the agency [ Central Intelligence Agency] does, some things they allow us to do," the official said, adding that counterterrorism operations are ongoing.

In Somalia, the U.S. military has also staged at least two AC-130 gunship airstrikes and a naval strike targeting suspected al-Qaeda operatives in the past year.

In recent months, human rights groups have accused Ethiopian forces of abuses such as rape and indiscriminate killing of civilians as they bomb and burn villages in counterinsurgency operations.

Despite those allegations, the Pentagon continues to back the Ethiopian presence. "Any government that provides Somalis with assistance we support, including Ethiopia," a senior defense official said. "I am unaware of specific allegations regarding the conduct of the Ethiopian troops."

Source: Washington Post

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2007/307/027.shtml

Jendayi Frazer Visits Somaliland

Jendayi Frazer on arrival at Hargeysa airport received by top Somaliland ministers

Hargeysa, Somaliland, 3 February 2008 (SL Times) - U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer flew in to Egal international Hargeysa airport with the Special Envoy for Somalia, John M. Yates, for a one day brief visit. This is the highest US ranking diplomat to visit the republic since its independence declaration in 1991.

The US delegation was met at the airport by Somaliland’s Foreign minister Abdillahi M. Duale, the Interior minister Abdillahi Ismail Ali, the minister of Aviation Ali M Waranade and other Somaliland top officials.

U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Miss Jendayi Frazer

Miss Jendayi Frazer briefly spoke to the media at VIP lounge and was asked the purpose of her visit to Hargeysa.

“Our visit to Somaliland is in connection and follow-up to President Dahir Rayale Kahin’s recent, visit, to Washington and on top of that to continue to work with the Somaliland authorities in the issues concerning peace, stability and security of the region. Our visit is also an acknowledgement of the democratic progress made by Somaliland,” said Jendayi Frazer

In addition, the U.S. Assistant Secretary said that "the US, assisted Somaliland in past elections and will continue to do so in the coming elections. We are here, today, to show our support for this and to mark the friendship and cooperation existing between the two countries.”

Speaking to the local media at Egal international airport VIP lounge, Jendayi Frazer commented on the issue of recognition: “we have said on many occasions that the US will continue to work with Somaliland, in particular, in the strong democratic values which Somaliland has succeeded in implementing and that we believe the issue of recognition should be left with the AU. We will work with the AU and will respect whatever decision it makes on Somaliland’s status.”

The US delegation left the airport for Ambassador Hotel and held talks with President Dahir Rayale Kahin and the opposition political parties.

Jendayi Frazer met with President Rayale and top government officials behind closed doors. She also met Kulmiye, Ucid and Udub political party heads in private.

The US delegation also talked to the leaders of the unregistered political party ‘Qaran’ at the Ambassador Hotel.

Jendayi Frazer’s discussions with the president, government officials and political parties concerned issues relating to strengthening US and Somaliland ties and strenghthening cooperation of the two countries and discussed in detail the republic's up and coming general elections, scheduled to take place in six months time.

After a brief 4hr visit to Somaliland, Jendayi Frazer and her delegation flew back to Addis Ababa from Egal international airport.

Source: Somaliland Times

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/315/71.shtml