OPEN LETTER TO THE SOMALILAND NATION

Jenny Sonesson,
Secreteray General Liberal Women of Sweden

Stockholm

To: Dahir Riyale Kahin, Somaliland President
To: Abdirahman Abdillahi Cirro, Speaker Somaliland Parliament
To: Sh Ahmed Sh Nuuh, Deputy Speaker house of Elders
To: Mohamed Mahamoud Siilanyo, Party Chairman, Kulmiye
To: Faisal Ali Warabe, Party chairman, Welfare party

We have been following the political developments in Somaliland.

Somaliland has embellished its democratic political system with latest parliamentary election, which was a milestone for Somaliland’s path towards healthy democracy. International Election Observers monitored Somaliland elections and described according to the circumstances as free and fair elections. Somaliland was nicknamed as “Africa’s best kept Secret" and "Peace Paradise in Africa".

We hope that the different Somaliland actors (stakeholders) all of us shall engage us constructively for a peaceful and democratic outcome.

Leaders and people of Somaliland have come long when it comes establishment of democratic institutions and the coming elections will be a very important opportunity to move forward in the development of democracy. As we can understand, all the political parties and the government agrees to hold local and president elections. The problem is the time table. To solve this problem, all of the stakeholders with the help of the international community must come together and show a political leadership, willingness and courage in order to reach a united agreement concerning the timetable. The rule of law is important element when discussion the solution for the constitutional crises that come up.

Our hope is that all stakeholders, political parties, government and National Election Commission work together in order to achieve the ultimate goal, which is to hold fair and democratic elections. One important issue is the participation of women in the coming elections. If women are not in priority and the political parties do not give attention to this issue, it will be a democratic deficiency, so all the political parties should work hard to promote women in the coming elections.

We who embrace the success Somaliland already has achieved, wish you all the best for the coming elections.

Birgitta Ohlsson,
Member of the Swedish Parliament and Spokesperson Foreign Affairs, Liberal Party

Gunilla Davidsson,
Secreteray General SILC (Swedish International Liberal Center)

Jenny Sonesson,
Secreteray General Liberal Women of Sweden

http://www.somalilandcenter.com/content/view/862/9/

In Praise of Somaliland,A Beacon of Hope in the Horn of Africa

by Peter Tatchell


HIS year’s civil war in Somalia has killed thousands of people and created over half a million refugees. Democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights are almost non-existent in Mogadishu, where war, banditry, corruption, hunger, illiteracy, disease and unemployment are the norm. Somalia is a failed state that has failed its people.

In contrast, the north-west breakaway region of the Republic of Somaliland is an oasis of peace, stability and progress in the Horn of Africa. Imperfect, but moving in the right direction, in May this year the country celebrated its sixteenth anniversary of independence.

Against all odds, and with little international recognition or aid, the three million people of Somaliland have – largely by their own efforts – begun to establish a secure, functioning democratic state and a fair degree of economic stability and growth. This is a truly remarkable achievement in a region of Africa that has long been a byword for chaos, repression and war.

Somaliland, a former British Protectorate, gained independence in 1960 and became the first free Somali nation to join the United Nations.

In a unity move that most Somalilanders now deeply regret, the country joined with the former Italian protectorate to the south to form the Republic of Somalia.

Under the dictator Siad Barre, who seized power in a military coup in 1969, the new nation was beset by brutality. Following the collapse of his military regime and of the Somali state, Somali-land declared independence on 18th May 1991.

Over the last decade and a half, the predominantly Muslim nation has made the transition from an autocratic clan-based society, notorious for its poor governance, conflict and human rights abuses, to a peaceful and progressive multi-party democracy.

A referendum in 2001 led to the adoption of a new constitution. Since then, Somalilanders have held successful elections for President, the House of Representatives and local government. While Somalia has not had a free election since the 1960s, Somaliland has held three mandates since the turn of the millennium, each of which has been declared free and fair by international election observers.

In contrast to the intestinal conflicts that bedevil Somalia and many other African nations, Somaliland has found a way to negotiate and resolve these rivalries peacefully. It has bought previously hostile clans together in a pluralistic system that minimises conflict by incorporating the clan elders into the advisory upper house.

Somalilanders have achieved an enviable peace, progressively disarming and demobilising thousands of gunmen, while in Somalia militias still run amok, looting, extorting and terrorising the local population. Many of Somaliland’s former clan fighters have also been successfully incorporated into the disciplined national army. And unlike many of her neighbours, the armed forces stay out of politics.

Moreover, Somaliland is country committed to the rule of law, upheld by an independent judiciary. Discrimina-tion on the grounds of ethnicity, gender or opinion is prohibited, and human rights abuses, such as torture, are criminal offences. The right to protest is protected by law.

Somaliland is not yet a fully-fledged democracy, and its unwavering observance of human rights is still a long way off. Somaliland has a multi-party system but only three political parties are allowed under the constitution. Islam is the state religion, and while non-Islamic faiths are tolerated, their promotion is prohibited. Muslims are not permitted to renounce Islam, and the legal system is based on Sharia law. Although rarely enforced with harshness, this does nevertheless place inherent restrictions of the rights of women. The female sex is poorly represented in public life and state institutions, although the constitution does give women the right to employment training and property ownership. Government corruption and inefficiency are not as bad as in many other African nations, but they remain a problem according to critics of the regime.

Somaliland’s significantly improved record on human rights suffered a setback earlier this year with the arrest of four journalists from the independent newspaper Haatuf. They were only released at the end of March, after being detained for 86 days on charges of allegedly spreading false information and offending the President. This worrying abuse of press freedom was, however, an exceptional curtailment of what is nowadays a fairly open and free media.

Despite these flaws, Somalilanders have demonstrated, without any pressure from the West, that a Muslim country can build a peaceful, democratic state committed to upholding human rights. It is a model for Africa and the Middle East.

Yet Somaliland remains unrecognised as a sovereign nation. While the United Nations and the international community focus their attention on the civil war in Somalia, Somaliland’s achievement in building a stable, harmonious nation is unacknowledged and unrewarded. Betrayed by the Arab League and the African Union, it stands alone.

Instead of singularly condemning Africa’s failures, isn’t it time the West did more to recognise and support its successes?

Sweden and Germany are moving towards diplomatic recognition, but not Britain. Somaliland wants to join the Commonwealth but has so far been rebuffed. This rejection sends all the wrong signals.

It is time Britain changed course. We should push the Commonwealth and the European Union to recognise Somaliland as an independent, sovereign state; and lobby the African Union, the Arab League and the United Nations to do likewise. A modest increase in British and EU aid and trade would go a long way to strengthen Somaliland’s economic base. Tackling poverty and unemployment, and improving health, education and housing, would help underpin and enhance Somaliland’s development as a beacon in the region. Over to you, Gordon Brown.

Peter Tatchell is a leading human rights campaigner.

For more information about his work, visit www.petertatchell.net.

Source: Liberal
http://www.theliberal.co.uk/issue_11/columns/tatchell_11.html

RESOLUTION ELDR CONGRESS IN BERLIN 18-19 OCTOBER 2007: Somaliland

Somaliland

RESOLUTION ELDR CONGRESS IN BERLIN 18-19 OCTOBER 2007
Resolution: Somaliland

ELDR notes that:
1) Four days after its independence from the United Kingdom, Somaliland agreed to merge with the newly independent Somalia;
2) Following the fall of the Siad Barre dictatorship and the subsequent anarchy in the South, the former British Colony abrogated this merger and embarked on a programme of democracy and free market economy;
3) The Republic of Somaliland has declared that it has no territorial ambitions regarding any of its neighbours;
ELDR calls upon the European Union and all of its Member States to give diplomatic recognition to the Republic of Somaliland, actively encouraging the African Union to accept that Somaliland is not a secessionist state but rather a democratic entity which has abrogated a union with a failed State.

Source: ELDR
http://www.eldr.org/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=1136

The Country That Disappeared: Presenter Simon Reeve Beats A Track In Somaliland

March 11, 2008

In a world where almost everywhere can be reached on a comfortable scheduled airline, there are still a few places so far off the beaten track they don't even appear on maps. Somaliland, in the chaotic Horn of Africa, is an oasis of democracy and order; a pro-Western Muslim country, keen to welcome foreign visitors: but officially it does not exist.

Despite the fact that it has democracy, peace, passports, traffic lights, universities, its own currency and some of the most inspiring people on the entire continent, no other country recognises Somaliland as a state. Map-makers identify it as part of lawless Somalia, and it exists in a legal limbo, like dozens of other unrecognised nations.

My journey through Somaliland took me from the capital to the southern border with Ethiopia, and back up to the remote northern coastline. But my trip started with a UN flight from Kenya into the Somali capital Mogadishu, perhaps the most dangerous place on the planet. Security there came in the form of a dozen heavily armed mercenary bodyguards, and in the main market I was able to buy a Somali diplomatic passport, in my own name, from a man called Mr Big Beard.

Arriving in Somaliland, after a two-hour flight from Mogadishu, was a complete contrast. The northern democracy has been peaceful for more than a decade. Uniformed officials stamped my passport (the British one), and I checked into the comfortable Ambassador Hotel in the capital Hargeisa, before heading out to explore with Yusuf, a local guide.

As we wandered along dusty streets, Yusuf explained that after independence from the UK in 1960, Somaliland joined with Somalia to form one country. When the relationship soured, Somaliland had to fight for its independence against the dictator Siad Barre. His forces attacked Hargeisa, killing 50,000.

Since 1991 the 3.5m Somalilanders have been quietly rebuilding their shattered country with little outside help. Although still poor and compact, Hargeisa is now full of noisy cattle markets, and lively restaurants serving spicy food. Buying anything, even a snack, required a thick wadge of the low-denomination Somaliland currency. Crime and corruption were reassuringly low, and nobody carried a gun.

After hiring a 4WD, Yusuf and I set off across the country, starting with one of the most impressive historical sights in East Africa. On the edge of a wide plain, low hills are full of ancient rock paintings in glorious colours. I scrambled up to the paintings at Laas Ga'al expecting just a few indistinct squiggles, but the reality is perhaps the most significant Neolithic rock-painting site in Africa.

Heading south we drove along unmade roads to near the border with Ethiopia, a wild, remote area where by the side of the road grazed camels, baboons and warthogs. We stopped in a village, the first foreign visitors in more than a decade, and were greeted in English by tall village elders with a proud military bearing. Somalilanders fought for Britain in the Second World War, still feel a strong connection with the UK and are baffled by Britain's failure to recognise their new nation.

After my spectacular tour of this forgotten country, it was time to return to the capital. But it remains the most extraordinary country I've ever visited, and one day I hope to return.

You can fly to Somaliland with Daallo Airlines (www.daallo.com). Fares start at £600. There are a number of hotels in Hargeisa including the Ambassador (ambassadorhotelhargeisa.com). The Foreign Office advises against travel to Somalia. Because the FCO does not recognise the independence of peaceful Somaliland you will not be covered by many travel insurance policies. Check the small print.

Simon Reeve presents the TV series Tropic of Capricorn on Sundays on BBC2. His book, Tropic of Capricorn, is published by BBC Books, at £17.99

__

Source: The Observer

The U.S. and Somaliland: A Strategic Guide to Partnership

By J. Peter Pham, Ph.D.

28 Feb 08

A great deal has transpired in the little over two months since I last raised the question of Somaliland in this column, repeating a call I made two years earlier: "Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre's oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as 'Somalia.' Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people's quest for freedom and security mirrors America's values as well as her strategic interests."

In January, the president of the Republic of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, accompanied by his foreign minister, Abdillahi Mohamed Duale, and several other members of his cabinet were invited to Washington for a visit that was officially acknowledged by the U.S. Department of State. According to the statement from the department's spokesman, Ambassador Sean McCormack:

A high-level delegation from Somaliland, led by President Dahir Kahin Rayale, departed Washington January 19 after an eight-day visit. While here, the delegation met with senior officials of the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, Department of Defense, and National Security Council staff, among others. This cordial and constructive visit demonstrated U.S. engagement with Somaliland in furtherance of our common interests in the areas of regional peace and security, economic development, and democratic reform.

Barely two weeks later, on February 3, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer, arrived in Somaliland's capital, Hargeysa, with Ambassador John M. Yates, a veteran diplomat based in Nairobi, Kenya, who is America's special envoy for Somalia (the U.S. envoy to Ethiopia, Ambassador Don Yamamoto, preceded the pair by one day). Dr. Frazer, the highest-ranking U.S. official to set foot in the republic since it reasserted its independence in 1991, spent the day holding formal talks with top government officials as well as meeting privately with representatives of Somaliland's three registered political parties – the Union of Democrats (UDUB), the Peace, Unity, and Development Party (KULMIYE), and the Party of Justice (UCID) – and the unregistered "Qaran" political movement. Speaking to the press, Dr. Frazer explained the motivation of her visit:

Our visit to Somaliland is in connection and follow-up to President Dahir Rayale Kahin's recent, visit, to Washington and on top of that to continue to work with the Somaliland authorities in the issues concerning peace, stability and security of the region. Our visit is also an acknowledgement of the democratic progress made by Somaliland ... the U.S. assisted Somaliland in past elections and will continue to do so in the coming elections. We are here, today, to show our support for this and to mark the friendship and cooperation existing between the two countries.

A few days after Dr. Frazer's visit, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) announced that it would "expand substantially activities designed to improve the lives of citizens of Somaliland," pledging "resources amounting to twice those spent in 2007 will be spent on projects focusing on the rule of law and security, democratic governance and on recovery and sustainable livelihoods, as well as on additional staff to increase the range of the ambitious programme in different regions of Somaliland" in concert "with the Somaliland government and other UN agencies."

Dr. Frazer was careful to emphasize that the recent flurry of activity did not imply diplomatic recognition was imminent, noting that while "we have said on many occasions that the U.S. will continue to work with Somaliland, in particular, in the strong democratic values which Somaliland has succeeded in implementing," the issue of recognition should be left to the African Union (AU), while America would "work with the AU and will respect whatever decision it makes on Somaliland's status." However, as I previously observed, while the AU's own report on the matter, presented by then-Deputy Chairperson Patrick Kayumbu Mazimhaka, acknowledged the uniqueness of the case – "The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland's search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of 'opening a Pandora's Box'. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case" – the AU is simply unable to actually address the matter as long as it continues to seat the utterly ineffectual "Transitional Federal Government" (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as safely police its putative capital. Since Dr. Frazer is, undoubtedly, well aware of this reality, what is one to make of the recent developments?

In large measure, the recent engagement can be viewed as strategically sound at several levels. In the short term, it is increasingly apparent that the TFG's lease on life is perhaps even more tenuous than that of its "president," Abdillahi Yusuf Ahmed, who, until last week, had not been in Somalia for months and was evacuated to London from Nairobi last month for medical treatment. In fact, just to get him back into Mogadishu last week, TFG forces and their Ethiopian protectors sealed all roads from the airport to the presidential Villa Somalia. In response, Islamist and clan insurgents fighting the regime fired mortars at the bunkered-down peacekeepers of the undermanned African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and, for good measure, lobbed half a dozen shells into the presidential compound. Amid heavy fighting last week, TFG forces sealed off the famed Bakara market, compounding the woes of those residents of Mogadishu who have not fled since most of these people either earn their living at the market or depend on it for basic staples. Typical of the constant hit-and-run attacks by the insurgents, last Saturday at least four Ethiopian soldiers were killed when the water truck they were traveling in drove into an ambush in northern Mogadishu while, in the Wadajir district just south of the capital, gunmen shot and wounded a local government official as he stood in front of his house. On Sunday, heavily-armed insurgents from the radical al-Shabaab ("the Youth") wing of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), reportedly led by Sheikh Muhktar Ali Robow, a.k.a., Abu Mansur, the former deputy defense minister of the ICU who fought with the Taliban in Afghanistan, briefly occupied the southern town of Dinsoor before withdrawing. With daily rounds of artillery duels, bombings, ambushes, assassinations, and incursions, no one seriously believes that even the full deployment of AMISOM – an unlikely occurrence in any event – would do much more than prolong the agony of the passing of the TFG, the fourteenth attempt by outsiders to restore central government to what was once Somalia. Hence it makes perfect sense for U.S. officials to reach out to any effective powers in the region.

Over the longer term, given the apparent futility trying to reconstitute a unitary state – a point I made more than a year ago in this column space – the members of the international community, especially the United States and its allies, have every reason to seek to engage Somaliland, not least of which is its geopolitical significance as a Muslim country with authentic democratic aspirations controlling over 900 kilometers of coastline along sea lanes along the Gulf of Aden, just opposite the Arabian Peninsula. Having such an island of relative security and stability is all the more important when, as veteran Somalia scholar Dr. Ken Menkhaus of Davidson College, who served as a senior advisor to the UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) in the 1990s, has noted, "a collapsed state such as Somalia is more likely to serve as niche role as a transit zone, through which men, money, or materiel are quickly moved into the country and then across borders of neighboring states." Moreover, there is the belated recognition in many quarters, of the validity of the warning which South African analyst Kurt Schillinger delivered in a paper for the Royal United Services Institute for Defense and Security Studies (RUSI): " Somaliland is a fragile entity in a fragile region with large Islamic populations – all demonstrably susceptible to radicalization."

However, just because a consensus is slowly being built around these two realizations does not mean that the United States will extend formal diplomatic recognition to Somaliland any time soon despite the consonance of the admirable efforts by its people to build a secure and democratic state for themselves to the vision which President George W. Bush outlined in his second inaugural address: "It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world ... Our goal ... is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way." Rather, while the commonality of ideals provides a basis for moving forward, Realpolitik dictates that not just ideals, but concrete national interests must be carefully considered if a great power like the United States is going to break new ground and recognize an aspiring state like Somaliland. In other words, as much as I have been a consistent advocate for Somaliland – just last week I gave an address at the University of Baltimore School of Law entitled "The Case for the Republic of Somaliland: At the Frontiers of International Law, African Politics, and Territorial Order" – I cannot foresee recognition from Washington unless the government in Hargeysa convinces skeptics that there is substantial "value added" in the relationship.

To this end, the following are some steps which President Kahin and his government might take to build upon the recent progress in ties with the United States with a view to eventually securing formal recognition of what their citizens have accomplished in building a nation out of the wreckage of the former Somalia:

First, one cannot understate the importance of the presidential election scheduled for August 2008: it must be a model of free, fair, and transparent balloting. One of the most important claims that Somaliland makes on the attention of the international community is its democratic politics. While the 2005 elections for the House of Representatives marked a significant milestone in that the incumbent president's UDUB won only 33 seats in the 82-member legislature (KULMIYE and UCID won 28 and 21 seats, respectively), following this up with a successful second direct democratic presidential vote (the first took place in 2003), would truly confirm Somaliland's status in the company of emerging democracies. The United States has provided over $1 million to the International Republican Institute (IRI) to support training and other programs in preparation for the elections, while the State Department expects to make an additional $1.5 million available after the voting. The European Union is likewise providing financial assistance for the electoral exercise.

Second, beyond the voting, Somaliland must continue making progress on democratic governance. The territory is characterized a "partly free," scoring 5 on political rights and 4 on civil liberties in Freedom House's annual report, Freedom in the World 2008 (the scale is 1 to 7, with 1 corresponding to the highest and 7 the lowest levels of freedom). While the scores are impressive in contrast to that of the countries in its neighborhood – Somalia scores an abysmal 7 on both indices, Ethiopia and Djibouti scores a 5 on both political freedom and civil rights, while Eritrea manages to score 7 and 6 respectively – there is still considerable room for improvement. The members of the upper chamber of parliament, the House of Elders (Guurti), for example, have repeatedly extended their own terms of office. Corruption, while not as insidious as elsewhere in Africa, nonetheless needs to be systematically combated; while President Kahin deserves credit for sacking a number of corrupt officials during his tenure, the fact that they were even in place at all and needed to be removed is still disconcerting. While Somaliland is a largely homogenous society, there are nonetheless a few very small minority communities whose concerns could also be better addressed in the overall political process.

Third, while President Kahin expressed the willingness of Somaliland to work with U.S. regional counterterrorism efforts during his meetings with Defense Department officials in Washington last month – and legal avenues for such cooperation need to be found on the American side – Hargeysa must redouble its efforts on the anti-extremism front. And while government agencies on the American side may have unresolved issues with certain types of engagements with their Somaliland counterparts, nothing prevents the latter from more increasing the quantity and quality of intelligence which they share. This would be particularly helpful since American military and intelligence officials have very limited access to reliable information from southern Somalia, an area where Somalilanders not only are better positioned to operate, but in fact already do so extensively. While I realize that this proposal shifts the burden somewhat to Somaliland, it is, after all, Somalilanders who are trying to make a case for partnership with the United States. (For their part, American officials would do well to shift responsibility for matters relating to Somaliland from the U.S. embassy in Kenya to the one in Ethiopia given that while there are no direct connections between Hargeysa and Nairobi, Somaliland officials and civilians routinely pass through Addis Ababa en route to other destinations.)

Fourth, it is no secret that the former Somalia has significant potential natural resources. Last summer, I reported on how the People's Republic of China was making a play for the oil in TFG President Abdillahi Yusuf's home turf. There is every reason to believe that similar wealth is to be found not only on Somaliland's territory, but also in its waters. While every state (and aspiring state) has the right to make such commercial arrangements as it deems most advantageous – there are reports of the Swedish-based Lundin Petroleum AB (owned, since 2001, by Canada's Talisman Energy) had approached Somaliland's Ministry of Water and Minerals for rights to oil and natural gas exploration – authorities in Hargeysa would do well to consider the long-term strategic implications of their decisions as well as the economic benefits. Even if their foreign policy elites were not generally divorced from the interests of their business classes, neither Sweden nor Canada would likely be much of a strategic ally for anyone, much less a nascent state in a dangerous neighborhood like the one Somaliland finds itself in. In contrast, as Walter Russell Mead and other scholars have pointed out, there is a long tradition of American business and government working in tandem, with the latter often following the former's lead and U.S. political interests adjusting themselves to advance the economic interests of its citizens. Not only should the government in Hargeysa be open to approaches by American firms, but it ought to actively court them, realizing that without significant commercial ties to the United States, any political relations – if they come about at all – will be very tenuous. Conversely, the presence of American business interests, especially in strategic sectors, reinforces the geopolitical case for diplomatic ties between Washington and Hargeysa.

Commenting on Somaliland, I.M. Lewis, the British scholar who for half a century has been the preeminent authority on the Somali peoples, observed: "The overall achievement so far as truly remarkable, and all the more so in that it has been accomplished by the people of Somaliland themselves with very little external help or intervention. The contrast with the fate of southern Somalia hardly needs to be underlined." For these two reasons, among others, it is hoped that Somaliland will take the steps necessary to take advantage of the momentum in favor of advancing ties with its natural strategic partner, the United States, to the next level.

— J. Peter Pham is Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is a Senior Fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C., as well as Vice President of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA).

Source:World Defense Review

http://somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/319/17.shtml

The US should recognize an independent Somaliland

by Patrick Lineberry

The Horn of Africa has long been vacillating between the outbreak of conflict and repressed tension both within these countries Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya and across their borders.

On a recent trip to Ethiopia I somehow became involved in the struggle of Somaliland, and I am now working with the Somaliland government and the Somaliland lobby in the US Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction Institute (SOPRI) for the international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.

Even though it effectively functions as a sovereign state, international recognition would be the most beneficial step toward stability in Somalia and the Horn, and eventually African unity, contrary to the belief of many scholars.

Since the issue has started to peak its head into the international news scene, I have been confronted with a number of serious questions which, if answered insufficiently, would make life much harder for Somalilanders and those fighting for Somaliland's independence. To sum it up, are Somaliland's problems big enough to jeopardize its future and the Horn after gaining independence?

Supporters of Somaliland's independence have argued that its democratic record along with its respect for civil liberties are the best in the Horn and a contender among the best in Africa, which is true .

However, that may not be good enough. A few critics see Somaliland as a "tinderbox waiting to explode", alleging that its multiparty democracy is being subordinated by clanism, without any concrete proof, which is one of the key factors that deprives the Transitional Federal Government of legitimacy and perpetuates anarchy in Southern Somalia. Also illuminated has been Somaliland's recent jailing (but relatively prompt release) of party leaders.

Supporters also welcome the stabilizing effect that Somaliland's independence will have over Somalia and the Horn of Africa and maintain that Somaliland's fate depends on further efforts toward state-building, primarily that the state increasingly supports broad social interests.

Now it's time to consider the alternatives. First, we can leave Somaliland to the African Union, which has already executed a fact-finding mission suggesting the issue be brought to the floor for a vote. But with the African Union so divided between northern Africa and sub-Saharan Africa there is no incentive for members to pursue Somaliland's independence.

Also, the broad African trend of national power consolidation further inhibits state interaction, and right-wing Muslim-African states threatened by the potential of a moderate Islamic state have incentive not to pursue Somaliland's independence.

Tensions could remain and will probably increase between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia, despite the internationally-recognized TFG, and the AU will continue to be polarized on such important issues as this, demonstrating its inability to address critical African issues, if even to forego regional differences and uniting to condemn Somaliland's independence.

The time for African Union leadership may have passed and the issue will continue to stagnate if left alone. AU leadership is thwarted, some argue, by the maintenance of the oligarchic state. But just as Somaliland has a unique candidacy for recognition so is its potential in African unity. Somaliland's fiercely egalitarian society coupled with what may be called at least a semblance of democracy which is more than any other country in the Horn can muster still make it the best candidate not only for building peace and stability in the Horn but for advancing US interests throughout Africa.

At the moment it remains the best policy choice for the US in Africa, abroad, and in the War on Terror because its gains far outweigh the risks.

The AU will not be in a position of unity to act effectively on any issue for some time unless powers outside Africa help with Somaliland's recognition. The political problems in Africa and Somalia stem from oligarchy and anarchy, respectively, both of which keep fellow Africans at a distance from one another and provide more fertile grounds for Islamism without effective redistribution of wealth and little outlet for expression.

Recognizing and partnering with Somaliland legitimizes the alternatives to oligarchy and anarchy and would inspire hope for democracy and liberty at least in the Horn. It would show that the US and the West are interested in providing legitimate opportunities for poor Muslim countries that are threatened by radical Islam.

International recognition will give Somaliland resources, accountability, and backing to improve its record and represent humanity to the region, to the African continent, and to the Arab world.

Now let's consider what will happen if other international powers, such as the US, enter into the picture. If the US took the initiative of establishing diplomatic ties with Somaliland this would put much more pressure on the AU to consider the issue either way, to go against it or to support it.

African states care about what others do in Africa. And because the US and the West do not want to be seen as neo-colonial powers, then meaningful multilateral talks between Somaliland and other African countries will happen, effectively leaving Somaliland to establish diplomatic ties with other African countries on its own terms and not those of the US.

A recognized Somaliland would be able to confront other right-wing Islamist states, especially those in Africa. Like Turkey, Somaliland is a secular, democratic state that straddles two continental regions, the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. Somaliland has the ability to play a unique role in African and Arab affairs, promoting the case for human freedom while understanding the Muslim and African perspective. Just as Turkey is helping to manage the conflict in Iraq, Somaliland would be able to contribute a similar role in regional conflict.

Just as well another secular, democratic, Muslim state could be the beginning of such an alliance that could have sway over other Muslim countries and that is not so hostile to the West. And it should go without mentioning Somaliland's immediate role in helping curb radical Islam in southern Somalia increasingly referred to as the "third front" in the War on Terror by additional US support and the existence of legitimate stability next door.

The worst-case scenario is that the Horn will resume conflict. It could either be between northern and southern Somalis or between a united Somalia and surrounding countries where there are still Somali irredentist claims. The latter, however, is not likely given that a united Somalia would have to take the form of some kind of confederation, thus making it more stable and its foreign policy more deliberate.

A confederal Somalia would not disturb its neighbors; a unitary Somalia has and would. It is still possible that southern Somalia, as well as the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, would engage in conflict.

But with Somaliland representing the only recognized and potent force in Somali territory, it would have the upper hand. Just as well, jihad from southern Somalia has only been declared on Ethiopia and would not be declared on a completely Muslim state so, radical Islam does not pose a threat to relations between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia, and Somaliland has not provoked nor been aggressive toward southern Somalia.

The key is recognizing that while southern Somalis are largely divided it is largely the result of external forces (i.e. political Islam from the Middle East, Eritrea fighting a proxy war with Ethiopia in Somalia, and the international legitimacy given to the unpopular and ineffective TFG). If southern Somalia were to unite then that sense of Somali brotherhood will have trumped conflict as a means of resolution and peace in the region.

And it is still possible, but very unlikely given all that Somaliland has achieved within the last seventeen years without any major assistance, that upon independence Somaliland could squander its resources and itself become part of the Somali legacy of being a collapsed state. This possibility certainly exists, but it doesn't seem likely.

Considering that Somaliland will only enter into negotiations with Somalia as equally recognized states, these are necessary trials in order for peace to begin to be restored in the Horn of Africa.

What an independent Somaliland can offer is the final piece of the African puzzle for Africa and for the US. After Somaliland there will be no other African nations that have a legal right for recognition. For one, this will allow the AU the energy to solve other issues. Moreover though, at the least it will provide the US with another ally in the Horn that will prove to be more preferable than with the TFG.

Africa has shown its tendency toward oligarchy and repressive regimes, even under the guise of democracy. Somaliland does come with baggage that might require improvements considering the responsibilities the international community has shown toward recognized countries.

But leaving it to the AU is not a viable option. The US should also consider its tarnished reputation in the Muslim world, having directly torn Afghanistan and Iraq apart and indirectly southern Somalia, all to the avail of little or no progress. Many European countries have been deliberating over recognizing Somaliland for years and have sent envoys to investigate its case.

The US should spearhead this opportunity to restore its reputation in the Muslim world by becoming involved with a Muslim country (whose case is very good, though not perfect, for advancing the cause of democracy) without an ominous military overtone. It should also ally with like-minded world powers to restore its respect for truly multilateral efforts by working through international bodies such as the AU and by recognizing the place of international conventions, which in fact support Somaliland's independence.

The consequences of complacency justify doing something about the Somaliland question. Otherwise, Somaliland could become involved in a bitter turmoil with southern Somalia, similar to its experience with the oppressive Barre regime in the 1980s and 90s. The AU would not pursue further unity. Also, the US could be one big step closer to losing the War on Terror.

Source:Helium

http://www.helium.com/tm/808050/africa-vacillating-between-outbreak

Somaliland: Will the U.S. do it ? (Blog)

Published 12/13/2007 - 1:31 p.m.
OPINION/ By Rooble Mohamed

Do what exactly?


Well the last discussion of the Pentagon about Somaliland was a positive move from the US. Some would say it is the best during the past 17 years. I think it is still hard for some people to believe that the US is finally in favor of Somaliland’s recognition. Why not ? what is Somaliland differ from its own sister, Kosovo ?

Somaliland has been independent from the rest of Somalia for the last 17 years maintaining the best peace-building practices in the world. It maintained to start from the scratch without any support from the International community. Building a high quality military and police forces, creating a whole governmental body with its government, parliament, judicial system, national bank, etc. all elected by the public is something that is very rare in the whole Africa. For Somaliland it was success but it always met a blind eyes from the western powers when it comes to the issue of international recognition. With all the efforts done by the government, the opposition parties and the Somaliland individuals living inside and outside the country there are still no touchable results of the issue.

Suddenly here is the US debating over Somaliland’s recognition and clearly in favor of it. It was a big surprise to the world especially after the Kosovo’s issue. It was a big success for Somaliland’s foreign minister for his struggle to put this issue at least on the table and he immediately replied to the pentagon for their concern. The Somaliland community everywhere also welcomed the move as they see this is a golden opportunity for their abandoned country.

Some Arab newsletters and journals started to highlight the issue marking it as Arabs loosing Somalia if Somaliland is recognized. It is usual that Arabs do not welcome anything that is for the good of Somaliland but they don’t have a choice this time especially when the US is the one lobbying for the case.

Now as the Somalilanders are expecting a bravely move from the America to announce its recognition to Somaliland and the Somaliland’s enemy is waiting for the outcome of more discussions within the Bush administration it is expected otherwise too.

Somaliland made all the necessary steps to be an independent government and the last move of closing the border in Sool region can be described as the last step to finalize the struggle which attracted the international attention towards Somaliland.


But the question is:


Will the US do it ?


Will the US dare to face this and announce their recognition to Somaliland ?


If that happens then the Americans will be welcomed flowers in this part of the world.

Jimma Times


http://www.golisnews.com/view_left.php?articleid=4917

A Bill On Somaliland Recognition To Be Introduced To US Congress

US Congress

Washington DC, January 24, 2008 – A draft Bill on expressing the sense of the Congress that the United States should recognize an independent Somaliland is prepared and presented to members of the US Congress.

Prepared by a group that calls itself “Friends of Somaliland People” the Draft Bill urges the government of the United States to formally recognize the independent status of Somaliland “within its colonial borders which are still in tact, being a very reasonable step toward bringing peace to the Horn of Africa and constituting the acceptance of established international law.”

“Patrick Linberry, head of the US wing of the group has met with legislators to discuss the introduction of a bill that would recognize Somaliland as an independent country, reads a press release by the group.

“Right now we are looking for a co-sponsor for the bill so that it can be introduced into one of the two houses. It has already been looked over by the Somaliland government and the Somaliland lobby in the US. As a starting point I have met with senators and representatives of whom I am a constituent,” he told a news wire called addishorn.com.

“He has met with and spoken to the offices of Senators Dole (R-NC) and Burr (R-NC) and Representatives Miller (D-NC), who is member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, and Coble (R-NC), it was learnt.

“Rep. Howard Coble’s office said it is willing to offer support, whether it means writing a letter of support to the Department of State or actually seeing that this bill is introduced in the House, said the press release.

“It is to be recalled that a high-level delegation from Somaliland, led by President Dahir Kahin Rayale, departed Washington January 19 after an eight-day visit. While there, the delegation met with senior officials of the State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, Department of Defense, and National Security Council staff, among others.

“This cordial and constructive visit demonstrated U.S. engagement with Somaliland in furtherance of our common interests in the areas of regional peace and security, economic development, and democratic reform,” said a statement from the US Department of State.

Source: Addis Horn

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=7541

Top US envoy for Africa meets Somaliland leader

Somaliland : US Divided Over Existing Policy

President Rayale and Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer

Washington DC, January 19, 2008 (SL Times) – While a recent meeting confirms internal policy divisions within Washington, it highlights Somaliland’s notable democratic credentials.

Below is an article published by Agence France-Presse:

The top US diplomat for Africa has met with the president of Somaliland, but the talks do not mean Washington is ready to recognize the Republic of Somaliland, US officials said Thursday [18 January 2008].

US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer had lunch with Somaliland president Dahir Rayale Kahin at the State Department on Monday [14 January 2008], a US diplomat said on condition of anonymity.

But State Department spokesman Sean McCormack stressed that the meeting did not imply US recognition of the northwestern coast region, which split from Somalia in 1991.

"There's no change in our policy position vis-a-vis recognition of Somaliland. We are not on the verge of recognizing Somaliland," McCormack told reporters.

"There is a process under way that the AU (African Union) is engaged in and we are going to be watching very closely that situation, but there's no change in our policy," he said.

McCormack said the meeting is part of Washington's policy of speaking with key players in Somalia in order to build democracy in the east African country, which has been plagued by civil unrest since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siyad Barre.

"We think it's important to have as many political contacts as we can with responsible individuals in Somalia who have an interest in building up the democratic structures and institutions of Somalia and trying to take it from where it is to a much more hopeful future," he said.

"Certainly, Jendayi's meetings ... fall solidly in that category and it's a policy that we are going to continue to pursue," he said.

"We have interest in fighting terrorism in Somalia, as well as in the Horn of Africa. ... Anybody who has an interest in a more peaceful and democratic Somalia has a role to play in this process."

A former British protectorate, Somaliland united with the Italian Somalia in 1960. But the region unilaterally broke away five months after Barre was ousted in 1991.

The Washington Post reported last month that US officials were debating whether to shift US support from the fragile Somali government to the less volatile region of Somaliland.

But State Department officials oppose such a move, putting them at odds with Defense Department officials who say that forging ties with Somaliland could help bring stability to the region, the Post said.

The Somaliland leader also had Washington meetings this week with officials from White House National Security Council, the Defense Department, and the U.S. Agency for International Development.

His late predecessor as Somaliland president, Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, had a similar round of Washington meetings in 1999

The region of 3.5 million people, which adopted a provisional constitution in 1997 and ratified it four years later, boasts its own president, government, parliament, police force, penal code and currency.

Source: Agence France-Presse

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/313/027.shtml

Somaliland: On The Road To Independent Statehood?

By J. Peter Pham, Ph.D.

December 13th, 2007

In October, in my testimony to a House Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health hearing on security in the Horn of Africa, I stated:

The most significant national interest at stake for the United States in this complex context is to prevent al-Qaeda (or another like-minded international terrorist network) from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in its war against us and our allies…

I would be remiss if I did not avail myself of this opportunity to raise the question of the remarkable reemergence of the Republic of Somaliland amid the ruin of Somalia and multiple conflicts wracking the Horn of Africa. With the collapse of the Somali state, the Somalilanders reasserted their independence and created a functional government, complete with all the accoutrements of modern statehood save, alas, international recognition…

Surely if America’s national commitment to support and strengthen democracy as a bulwark against extremist ideologies and terrorist violence has any real-world application, it is certainly the case here. The point I made at last year’s hearing on the expanding crisis in the Horn of Africa is even truer today: “The people of Somaliland have made their choice for political independence and democratic progress. While they have stumbled occasionally along the way, their efforts deserve encouragement through the appropriate economic, political, and security cooperation-which, in turn, will anchor Somaliland within America’s orbit as well as international society.”

I make no apologies for constantly returning to this theme: it is to me incomprehensible that we continue to express concern about the state of democracy in the Horn of Africa while all but ignoring a New York-sized region that has held internationally-monitored elections for the presidency as well as national and local legislatures. Talk of mixed signals!

Last week, in its December 4 th issue, the Washington Post carried a remarkable article by Ann Scott Tyson. Under the headline “U.S. Debating Shift of Support in Somali Conflict,” the piece notes that “ the escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991” and quotes two anonymous Department of Defense officials:

“Somaliland is an entity that works,” a senior defense official said. “We’re caught between a rock and a hard place because they’re not a recognized state,” the official said.

The Pentagon’s view is that “ Somaliland should be independent,” another defense official said. “We should build up the parts that are functional and box in” Somalia’s unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu.

In contrast, “the State Department wants to fix the broken part first-that’s been a failed policy,” the official said.

In conclusion, Navy Captain Bob Wright, head of strategic communications for the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based at Camp Lemonier, Djibouti, was quoted as saying “ We’d love to [engage Somaliland], we’re just waiting for State to give us the okay.”

The next day, December 5 th, the Bureau of African Affairs posted to the State Department website a five-bullet point “fact sheet” attempting to explain what passes as “United States Policy on Somaliland”:

• The United States currently engages the Somaliland administration and has provided assistance, for example to the election effort. Our policy on recognition is to allow the African Union to first deliberate on the question. We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance.
• As indicated in the full quote above, the United States continues to engage with the administration in Somaliland on a range of issues, most directly Somaliland’s continued progress towards democratization and economic development.
• In FY 2007, the United States provided a total of $1 million through the International Republican Institute to support training for parliamentarians and other key programs in preparations for the upcoming municipal and presidential elections in Somaliland. We expect to provide an additional $1.5 million in continued support for the democratization process in Somaliland following the elections.
• While we continue to engage with the Somaliland administration, we do believe that the African Union is the most appropriate forum to address the question of recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. We understand that Somaliland is pursuing bilateral dialogue with the African Union and its member-states in this regard.
• However, as the African Union continues to deliberate on this issue, the United States will continue to engage with all actors throughout Somalia, including Somaliland, to support the return of lasting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.

On the face of it, the Foggy Bottom’s position seems reasonable enough: the United States does not want to be blamed for opening up a veritable Pandora’s Box by backing a secessionist attempt to redraw colonial-era boundaries in Africa which could cause a ripple effect across the continent; better to let the African Union make that call. However, the artful facade the diplomats put up to cover their geopolitical inertia is utterly mendacious, despite the truly diplomatic efforts of Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale to welcome the State Department’s positive comments about the country’s “continued progress towards democratization and economic development.

First, as I pointed out in this column nearly two years ago: “ From 1884 until 1960, Somaliland existed within its current borders as the protectorate of British Somaliland. On June 26, 1960, Somaliland was granted its independence by the British Crown and was internationally recognized as a sovereign state. When, a week later, the United Nations trust territory that had been the Italian colony of Somalia received its independence, Somaliland joined it to form a united republic. The union, however, was troubled from the beginning…Amid the anarchy that ensued following Siyad Barre’s ignominious flight in January 1991, clan elders in Somaliland issued a declaration reasserting the independence that the northwestern region had briefly enjoyed in 1960.” There is no question of - much less precedent set for - redrawing colonial frontiers.

Second, the African Union (AU) itself has acknowledged the unique circumstances surrounding Somaliland’s quest for recognition. The official report of an AU fact-finding mission to the republic in 2005 led by AU Deputy Chairperson Patrick Mazimhaka concluded: “ The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland’s search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s Box’. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case.”

However, by punting the question to a body like the AU, which decides major political questions by consensus, while simultaneously continuing the delusional policy of recognizing the utterly ineffectual “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as control its putative capital, the State Department belies any pretensions of neutrality. The Africa Bureau knows very well that there is no way the phantasmal TFG will ever permit an AU consensus to be forged which recognizes the de facto Republic of Somaliland. Thus the State Department’s support for the fictional Somalia’s continued presence at international forums like the AU is fundamentally irreconcilable with functional Somaliland’s ever getting a fair hearing. So the only thing conceivably worse than the State Department being cynically duplicitous in its Somaliland policy is the possibility that its denizens don’t realize this and, hence, are criminally incompetent in their guidance of U.S. policy in the geopolitical sensitive Horn of Africa.

Fortunately, the TFG may not be a factor for much longer. Last week, its “president,” Abdillahi Yusuf, was hospitalized in Nairobi, Kenya, and had to cancel a meeting in Addis Ababa with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; should his condition worsen, that charade will be over. The meeting that did take place between TFG “prime minister” Nur Hassan Hussein and America’s top diplomat was farcical to anyone with historical knowledge of the region. The secretary said she hoped “ Hussein will draw on his humanitarian background to facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian aid.”

What “humanitarian background” does Dr. Rice refer to? His role as police colonel under the brutal dictatorship of Muhammad Siyad Barre? His tenure as deputy head of the despot’s “ National Salvation Court,” a military tribunal that sent thousands of regime opponents to their deaths? Or perhaps his leadership of the Somali Red Crescent Society where he “did well by doing good” - so well, in fact, that as Somalia descended into chaos and its luckier citizens fled, his children inexplicably found the capital to open a string of internet cafés and currency exchanges in Great Britain to meet the needs of their displaced countrymen? And while the secretary could only “ encourage” the self-appointed TFG “ to develop a timeline for the remainder of the transitional process by early January” in the hope of staging elections sometime in 2009, Somaliland has already held several sets of the internationally-monitored free polls, the most recent, the parliamentary elections of 2005, was observed and reported on by an International Republican Institute (IRI) delegation led by Ambassador Lange Schermerhorn, a former U.S. envoy to Djibouti who has also served as political advisor to the CJTF-HOA. (I served as an election observer with the ambassador in Nigeria earlier this year.)

The failure of the TFG should not be surprising. As I pointed out a year and a half ago, the pretender regime is little more than the product of a well-intentioned effort by the international community to conjure up yet another government for Somalia after the ignominious collapse the previous year of its previous attempt, the risible “Transitional National Government” (TNG), which went through four prime ministers and hundreds of cabinet members in three years before going bankrupt, having misappropriated millions of dollars in donor funds while governing nothing other than what was inside the confines of the four walls of “president” Abdiqasim Salad Hassan’s villa in nearby Djibouti. With even fewer prospects and, if it is possible, even less legitimacy than the TNG, the TFG’s leaders have little incentive to do anything other than leverage the international recognition which is their only real asset with which to enrich themselves.

One could hardly find a starker contrast to this than Somaliland. As former World Bank economist William Easterly, hardly someone who looks at Africa through rosy lenses, noted in his realistic, if somewhat pessimistic, volume, “The White Man’s Burden: Why the West’s Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good”:

In Somalia, the “international community” has sponsored fourteen rounds of fruitless peace talks since the collapse of the government in 1991, not to mention the failed UN/U.S. military intervention. Meanwhile, without outside intervention, foreign aid, or even international recognition, the breakaway Republic of Somaliland in the north of Somalia has enjoyed peace, economic growth, and democratic elections over the same period.

Thus, among the many others which could be adduced, there are five compelling reasons for the United States to abandon the bankrupt, State Department-driven policy of preferring self-appointed “leaders” of a failed construct to an effective government of a real country:

• Counterterrorism . As the Pentagon has now publicly acknowledged (and as I suggested earlier this year), scarce resources would be better spent boxing in the troubled parts of Somalia, rather than vainly asserting the questionable claims by a clearly unpopular regime whose illegitimacy is actually a magnet for extremists. No less a figure than Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates declared last week while visiting Camp Lemonier that his “ biggest concern for Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there.” Formal ties with Somaliland would permit closer ties between U.S. military and intelligence personnel with their counterparts in the small country’s services. Access to Somaliland territory, including the onetime NATO installation at Berbera, would also expand the scope for counterterrorism and other operations by CJTF-HOA as well as the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) which will subsume it next year.
• Regional stability. Far from being destabilizing, as I told Congress earlier this year, recognition of Somaliland would “ show the countries and peoples of the sub-region our resolve to reward progress as well as give the lie to those who argue that our anti-terrorism and pro-democracy objectives are not subterfuges for an anti-Muslim agenda. (Somaliland’s population is almost exclusively Sunni Muslims and the shahâdah , the Muslim profession of the oneness of God and the acceptance of Muhammad as God’s final prophet, is emblazoned on its flag.)” Furthermore, U.S.-led diplomatic recognition of Somaliland would not only allow the country much-needed access to international institutions and finance for development of the country itself, but also spur regional integration and prosperity. To cite just one example, America’s close partner Ethiopia, whose cut-off from the sea is a factor in the border dispute with Eritrea which I discussed two weeks ago, would benefit directly from access to Somaliland’s 900-kilometer coastline along the Gulf of Aden.
• Natural resources and economic opportunities . Earlier this year, I reported on mainland China’s play for petroleum resources in Somalia. Establishing formal ties with Somaliland would not only open opportunities for American firms to bid for similar concessions in that country, but also to invest in what could be a significant regional market. Conversely, ties with American commercial interests would also help anchor the strategically-placed country in the orbit of the United States as it joins the global economy. On the other hand, Somaliland’s considerable potential for economic and social progress is jeopardized not only by the maelstrom in neighboring Somalia, but also, as the AU has reported, by “ the lack of recognition [which] ties the hands of the authorities and people of Somaliland as they cannot effectively and sustainably transact with the outside to pursue the reconstruction and development goals.”
• Moral imperatives. As I previously argued, “ Somaliland’s trajectory…has been nothing if not extraordinary, being characterized by both social stability and democratic politics-the northern region’s progress standing in stark contrast to the free fall of the rest of the former Somalia. And despite being cut off from international financial institutions, direct bilateral assistance, and other sources of development and investment capital-all for want of diplomatic recognition-the Somalilanders have rebuilt Hargeysa, which was leveled during the Siyad Barre regime’s brutal campaign against them, and resettled close to one million of their displaced citizens.” Somaliland has already had democratic presidential, legislative, and local government elections; even the State Department has acknowledged that its upcoming presidential and municipal elections are more than credible enough to deserve U.S. funding.
• Global leadership. Despite some major faux pas of American foreign policy in recent years - both in substance and implementation - the world still defaults to looking to the United States to take the lead in critical arenas like the Horn of Africa. A number of governments, both African (including those of Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia) and European (including those of Great Britain, Germany, and Sweden), have either entered into de facto relations with or at least made friendly overtures to the Republic of Somaliland. In June, the German federal parliament even passed a resolution calling upon Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government “ to work towards mitigating dangers for Somaliland’s stability that may arise from the current Southern Somali scenario,” including “ initiatives to advance the resolution of the question of an international recognition of an independent Somaliland.” However, nothing is likely to advance without American leadership or at least tacit approval - in any event, the opposite of the State Department’s passive attendance on the AU’s capacity-challenged policymaking and implementation processed (see my column last week on “The Challenge of Peacekeeping in Africa”).

At the very launch of this column series, I wrote: “ Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre’s oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as ‘ Somalia.’ Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people’s quest for freedom and security mirrors America’s values as well as her strategic interests.” If anything, that counsel is even truer today than ever before, as many of our military officers have now publicly acknowledged. The only question is whether or not America’s elected political leaders will have the vision and fortitude to finally instruct their unelected diplomatic mandarins on the real stakes: diplomatic, military, and economic.

FamilySecurityMatters.org Contributing Editor J. Peter Pham is Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is also an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C., as well as Vice President of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA).

http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/global.php?id=1385868#

Source: FamilySecurityMatters

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2007/308/05.shtml

The Pentagon’s view is that “ Somaliland should be independent”

Robert Gates, US Defense Secretary
By Ann Scott Tyson

CAMP LEMONIER, Djibouti, December 3 - The escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991, U.S. defense and military officials said.

Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates discussed regional issues during a visit to Djibouti on Monday, including Somalia and the presence there of about 8,000 Ethiopian troops, the officials said. Ethiopian forces intervened a year ago to install the fledgling government in Mogadishu and they continue to fight Islamic radicals in Somalia.

"My biggest concern about Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there," Gates said on his first visit to the Horn of Africa as defense secretary. Asked about allegations of human rights abuses by Ethiopian troops in Somalia, Gates said: "We're obviously very interested in helping the African Union and Ugandans to try and exercise some constructive influence on the Ethiopians."

U.S. military officials say Somalia is the greatest source of instability in the Horn of Africa, leading them to seek new ways to contain the violence there.

One approach, Pentagon officials argue, would be to forge ties with Somaliland, as the U.S. military has with Kenya and other countries bordering Somalia. A breakaway region along Somalia's northwestern coast, Somaliland has about 2 million people and an elected president, and offers greater potential for U.S. military assistance to bolster security, even though it lacks international recognition, they say.

" Somaliland is an entity that works," a senior defense official said. "We're caught between a rock and a hard place because they're not a recognized state," the official said.

The Pentagon's view is that " Somaliland should be independent," another defense official said. "We should build up the parts that are functional and box in" Somalia's unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu.

In contrast, "the State Department wants to fix the broken part first -- that's been a failed policy," the official said.

The official U.S. government position is that the United States should withhold recognition from Somaliland because the African Union has yet to recognize it. "We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance," said Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi E. Frazer in an e-mailed response to questions.

The issue is diplomatically sensitive because recognizing Somaliland could set a precedent for other secession movements seeking to change colonial-era borders, opening a Pandora's box in the region.

In Djibouti, U.S. military officials say they are eager to engage Somaliland. "We'd love to, we're just waiting for State to give us the okay," said Navy Capt. Bob Wright, head of strategic communication for the Combined Joint Task Force Horn of Africa. The task force is composed of about 1,800 U.S. troops who conduct military training and reconstruction projects such as digging wells and building schools in 11 countries in the region.

Meanwhile, the United States continues to back Somalia's weak Transitional Federal Government, set up in late 2004 with support from international organizations and the African Union.

That incursion also created an opportunity for the U.S. military to take action in Somalia with counterterrorism raids by small Special Operations teams. Together with the CIA, they are attempting to eliminate members of what is known as the East Africa al-Qaeda cell, thought to be responsible for the U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, according to defense officials.

"They are precise, laser-like focused, small, a handful of guys who go in and out," the defense official said. "Some things the agency [ Central Intelligence Agency] does, some things they allow us to do," the official said, adding that counterterrorism operations are ongoing.

In Somalia, the U.S. military has also staged at least two AC-130 gunship airstrikes and a naval strike targeting suspected al-Qaeda operatives in the past year.

In recent months, human rights groups have accused Ethiopian forces of abuses such as rape and indiscriminate killing of civilians as they bomb and burn villages in counterinsurgency operations.

Despite those allegations, the Pentagon continues to back the Ethiopian presence. "Any government that provides Somalis with assistance we support, including Ethiopia," a senior defense official said. "I am unaware of specific allegations regarding the conduct of the Ethiopian troops."

Source: Washington Post

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2007/307/027.shtml

Jendayi Frazer Visits Somaliland

Jendayi Frazer on arrival at Hargeysa airport received by top Somaliland ministers

Hargeysa, Somaliland, 3 February 2008 (SL Times) - U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer flew in to Egal international Hargeysa airport with the Special Envoy for Somalia, John M. Yates, for a one day brief visit. This is the highest US ranking diplomat to visit the republic since its independence declaration in 1991.

The US delegation was met at the airport by Somaliland’s Foreign minister Abdillahi M. Duale, the Interior minister Abdillahi Ismail Ali, the minister of Aviation Ali M Waranade and other Somaliland top officials.

U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Miss Jendayi Frazer

Miss Jendayi Frazer briefly spoke to the media at VIP lounge and was asked the purpose of her visit to Hargeysa.

“Our visit to Somaliland is in connection and follow-up to President Dahir Rayale Kahin’s recent, visit, to Washington and on top of that to continue to work with the Somaliland authorities in the issues concerning peace, stability and security of the region. Our visit is also an acknowledgement of the democratic progress made by Somaliland,” said Jendayi Frazer

In addition, the U.S. Assistant Secretary said that "the US, assisted Somaliland in past elections and will continue to do so in the coming elections. We are here, today, to show our support for this and to mark the friendship and cooperation existing between the two countries.”

Speaking to the local media at Egal international airport VIP lounge, Jendayi Frazer commented on the issue of recognition: “we have said on many occasions that the US will continue to work with Somaliland, in particular, in the strong democratic values which Somaliland has succeeded in implementing and that we believe the issue of recognition should be left with the AU. We will work with the AU and will respect whatever decision it makes on Somaliland’s status.”

The US delegation left the airport for Ambassador Hotel and held talks with President Dahir Rayale Kahin and the opposition political parties.

Jendayi Frazer met with President Rayale and top government officials behind closed doors. She also met Kulmiye, Ucid and Udub political party heads in private.

The US delegation also talked to the leaders of the unregistered political party ‘Qaran’ at the Ambassador Hotel.

Jendayi Frazer’s discussions with the president, government officials and political parties concerned issues relating to strengthening US and Somaliland ties and strenghthening cooperation of the two countries and discussed in detail the republic's up and coming general elections, scheduled to take place in six months time.

After a brief 4hr visit to Somaliland, Jendayi Frazer and her delegation flew back to Addis Ababa from Egal international airport.

Source: Somaliland Times

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2008/315/71.shtml